Lowest number ever of asylum seekers in Denmark

The number of asylum seekers in Denmark has never been so low. According to the latest numbers published by the Scandinavian Ministry of Immigration, only ...

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Voice recognition that works like the human brain #StartedinOxford

The number of asylum seekers in Denmark has never been so low. According to the latest numbers published by the Scandinavian Ministry of Immigration, only 36 foreigners have asked for asylum in the period August 22 – 28. This isaaa

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"Responsibility, interests, instruments" - Speach of Federal Mininster for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Opening of the Ambassadors Conference 2016

Dear Witold Waszczykowski,
dear Jean‑Marc Ayrault,
Excellencies,
Members of the Bundestag,
Esteemed guests,
Members of staff

We live in turbulent times indeed. In such times, what we need is renewed self‑awareness and a sense of direction. This will be the focus of the coming days when we discuss responsibility, interests and the instruments of German foreign policy together. I am looking forward to this dialogue! 

I am particularly delighted that my Polish and French counterparts Witold Waszczykowski and Jean‑Marc Ayrault, as well as many other guests from Warsaw and Paris, are here today. Allow me to offer you all a very warm welcome! 

Our challenges in a complex world were also on the agenda in Weimar, where Witold, Jean‑Marc and I met yesterday – for the 25^th anniversary of the foundation of the Weimar Triangle. And if we think back for a moment, then it becomes apparent that the period when the Weimar Triangle was founded was also a turbulent one. The Berlin Wall had fallen and German unity had become a reality, but the collapse of the Soviet Union was still in full swing. It was a time that also pondered the question of direction – the best way to move ahead towards an open future. At that time, it was Krzysztof Skubiszewski, Roland Dumas and Hans‑Dietrich Genscher who were committed to Poland, France and Germany’s responsibility for integrating a Europe that had been divided for far too long. 

Allow me to take this opportunity to pay tribute to three exceptional politicians for whom European integration was never just a political task, but a matter dear to their hearts, and who had an intimate connection to the Federal Foreign Office and its staff. We lost all three of them in the course of the past year. We mourn the passing of Walter Scheel, who died last week, and who was one of the architects of Germany’s Ostpolitik in difficult times alongside Willy Brandt. He shaped our country – with a policy that paved the way for the courageous and decisive steps that Hans‑Dietrich Genscher later took that led our country to reunification. We also lost Genscher, that great European, this year. And Guido Westerwelle likewise passed away – at such a very young age – a politician through and through who stood up for the European idea with passion and courage. We pay tribute to these three German Foreign Ministers and outstanding Europeans. 

Today, ladies and gentlemen, it is our responsibility and our opportunity to set a course for Europe once again in these turbulent times. At a time in which the synchronicity of crises and their explosive dynamic barely give us time to breathe and sometimes leave us practically at a loss – Syria, Libya, Yemen, Ukraine, to mention only the most pressing trouble spots. 

We have been hit by a whole series of devastating terrorist attacks this summer alone – from Nice and Rouen to Kabul; from the US to Turkey to Thailand. And, in the wake of events in Ansbach and Würzburg, concerns over terrorist attacks have become palpable here in Germany – a threat that our French friends have been exposed to at the latest since the terrible attacks in Paris in January and November of the past year.

Our important partner Turkey is struggling with the aftermath of a bloody attempted coup. In eastern Ukraine, the ceasefire agreed on is so porous and more people are dying than has been the case for many months. In South Sudan, the brutal civil war is at risk of flaring up once again. And every day, we are witnessing people’s fight for survival in Aleppo in harrowing pictures – in the sixth year of the Syrian civil war, which has destroyed the homes of millions and forced them to take flight. I do not intend now to add anything to what I have already said elsewhere about the American presidential election campaign. One thing is for sure, however, which is that the campaign in the US is both turbulent and unusual and that its outcome will have enormous ramifications for us all. 

***

But times are also turbulent in Europe itself. With the bitter result of the British referendum on whether to remain in the EU, what was long unthinkable has become a reality. While the supposed irreversibility of the European integration project may be something to which we still hold dear, this irreversibility is no longer guaranteed. For many people, the magnet that is the European integration process has lost some of its attractive force. 

At the same time, enormous centrifugal forces are tearing at our European community. We are experiencing the resurgence of old nationalist forces that are putting our cohesion to the test. A policy of resentment and fear is gaining in popularity in various places. Political movements are instrumentalising the concerns of their citizens for parochial, self‑serving purposes that exclude others, while institutions such as the EU are becoming the target of a widespread sense of unease over globalisation. 

This gives us great cause for concern – however, it should also be an opportunity to stand up for this united Europe. Reason and the best arguments should be our most powerful weapon in this endeavour. 

The fact that the EU is capable of committed and effective action was displayed this year with the agreement with Turkey, for instance. It is no secret that Turkey is not an easy partner and that we take a critical view of some of the developments since the coup attempt, which luckily failed. However, it is also true that efforts to secure the EU’s external borders in a humane way are barely imaginable without close cooperation with Turkey. The German-Turkish relationship has a unique dimension thanks to the millions of people of Turkish origin living in Germany today. However, it is in our own interest to embed these ties within the context of strong EU‑Turkey relations also in the future. 

But when we talk about Europe and its ability to act, then we should be quite honest about the fact that we, who enjoy amicable ties in the Weimar Triangle, have different perceptions concerning the future of Europe and the appropriate interpretation of European solidarity. We do not meet because we already agree on all issues, but because we know that Europe can only move forwards when we are able to agree on a joint overall course for our Union. The history of Franco-German cooperation in the past decades is an impressive example of the fact that this consensus can, despite extremely different points of departure, grow and succeed through constant dialogue. We can and should also achieve this in the Weimar Triangle – as an important forum for dialogue on global challenges. The first Weimar Workshop on European policy towards China, which will bring together Polish, French and German diplomats this afternoon, is an expression of the potential that this cooperation has for our common future. I am grateful to Witold Waszczykowski for the proposals he made yesterday for more intensive cooperation in the Weimar Triangle. 

Ladies and gentlemen, 

In his novel The Man Without Qualities, Robert Musil describes the internal upheavals of a world in chaos – the world of one hundred years ago – and chooses an illustrative metaphor: “Like what happens when a magnet lets the iron filings go and they tumble together again.” 

This image of the state of the world probably reflects the perception of many people here in Germany, and presumably also in France and Poland, as well as that of many people far beyond Europe’s borders. In the discussions that I have held, I have sensed the deep‑seated uncertainty in the face of the many crises and conflicts in our neighbourhood. “Shutting our eyes” or “turning off the TV” do not work. The refugees who came to Europe in the hundreds of thousands are the clearest reminder of this fact. Along with many other ministries and organisations, the Federal Foreign Office has gone to great lengths to help overcome this crisis. This applies to literally all of our divisions, to countless missions abroad and, above all, to the staff at the visa sections in the region – in Ankara, Beirut, Erbil and other cities. Allow me to take this opportunity today to offer you my express thanks and respect for this work and commitment. 

However, this image of the magnet whose structuring attractive force is weakening, maybe even disappearing – for reasons that we are perhaps only able to fathom to a limited extent at the present moment – is an excellent illustration of the challenge that we, the Foreign Ministers and diplomats of major European democracies such as Germany, France and Poland, face in these times. 

The crises and upheavals within Europe reflect the turbulence around us, indeed they often stand in dynamic relation to the conflicts and problems in the European neighbourhood. This is true with a view to the Mediterranean and to the growing challenges posed by fragile and failed states in our southern neighbourhood. The fact that this also applies to the east was something of which Egon Bahr was aware, whose maxim was thus: “America is indispensable; Russia is immovable.” 

We cannot simply wish that Russia, which has become unmistakeably more difficult, were further away. What we need to do is find a way out of a phase of confrontation and increasing tensions and back to a strong and resilient understanding of common security. As the older members of the audience will recall, we were further ahead in Europe in the past. The CSCE and the Helsinki Final Act reflect the experience that one’s own security cannot be organised in the long term without or against one’s regional neighbours. And we should not simply forget about this experience, which is perhaps actually more necessary than ever today both within and outside Europe, in this world of dangerous and complex conflicts. 

The close partnership with America and the transatlantic alliance will remain essential in the future for our security here in the heart of Europe. And on a personal note, allow me to add that the intensive and trust‑based cooperation with John Kerry on practically all of the pressing issues of our foreign policy has been a real stroke of luck for me in recent years. 

In order to provide orientation and to shape policies responsibly in these times within the scope of our possibilities, German foreign policy needs to focus on three areas. 

Firstly, it needs an active and dedicated crisis policy, which we conduct with great commitment at diplomatic level. 

This goes for our de‑escalation and mediation endeavours in eastern Ukraine and towards Russia. We gave this a firm foundation of reassurance and deterrence on the one hand and offers to conduct dialogue on the other via the balanced decisions taken at the NATO Summit in Warsaw in July. 

However, this is also the case much further afield – in Syria, Iraq and other troubled areas. To this end, and with the active support of the German Bundestag, we have increased and focused our funding and instruments, ranging from humanitarian aid, crisis prevention and stabilisation in conflict situations to the expansion of our mediation capacities. 

We are active in the international Syria contact group and support Staffan de Mistura’s endeavours to explore all options for a political negotiation process and to pave the way to it. We are one of the largest donors of funding for the stabilisation of the areas liberated from IS in Syria and Iraq and one of the largest providers of humanitarian aid. 

Germany has significantly expanded its role in Mali. Germany is supporting the peace process in Colombia, the country where – after Syria – the largest number of people have lost their house and home. 

All of these processes require staying power and, at times, a great ability to withstand frustration. But they offer a chance to change things for the better – if one actually tries to do so rather than merely calling loudly for improvements. Yes, it can be difficult to spend hours in stuffy conference rooms, struggling to reach sustainable compromises and then to experience setbacks. But that is what diplomacy is all about. It doesn’t dash from one triumph to the next. It doesn’t make progress simply by being in the right. Good diplomacy in the interest of the people is not conducted with a megaphone, but rather with a view to what is possible and with intelligent and frequently imperfect compromises – with Iran, with rebels in Colombia or in the Minsk process working groups. 

Secondly, we need to look beyond the frantic pace of crisis diplomacy and think about the international order of the future. 

We need to take the time to work on creative approaches in order to strengthen the international order in the long term, restore power to this magnet and recharge it in the right way – and if necessary, in a new way. 

This was our motivation for taking on the OSCE Chairmanship in 2016. Alongside crisis diplomacy, our aim here is also to try to lend new impetus to this organisation, which spans all of Europe, as well as the Atlantic. We will do so shortly at the Foreign Ministers meeting in Potsdam. 

It also includes a new arms control initiative, which we would like to set in motion. The time is ripe to use new transparency instruments to counter the risks of a new arms race. I agree with everyone who says that success is certainly not guaranteed in the short term. However, I think it would be irresponsible not to try. I firmly believe that we cannot afford to simply let things slide. We cannot allow things to get out of our control. We need to counter the risks and the dangers of escalation with binding rules. As difficult as it currently is and as long as it might take, I firmly believe that we must nevertheless persevere in attempts to build bridges, including where the deep rifts between East and West have become apparent in recent years. I firmly believe that all sides only stand to lose if we embark on a new arms race between East and West. 

Our work on the international order also includes activities on a very fundamental level, namely the arduous efforts we have put into our cultural relations and education policy in recent years. To a certain extent, this is also aimed at shaping an order that will bring about a world in which differences do not lead to misunderstandings, misunderstandings do not lead to conflicts and conflicts do not lead to wars. 

Germany is running for a seat on the United Nations Security Council in 2019 and 2020. Our candidacy is an expression of German diplomacy’s willingness to take on responsibility. And it is also an expression of our trust in a multilateral international order. Ladies and gentlemen, I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for your support of our candidacy, in which you can count on the help of our special envoys. 

I also want to urge you to pay particular attention to the United Nations’ 2030 agenda. It arose from the notable achievements of the past decades, such as in tackling extreme poverty worldwide, which has fallen by 50 percent since 1990, or the significant progress made in the provision of education and healthcare in parts of Asia and Africa. These achievements put our crisis discourse into a wider context. If one could choose a moment in time to be born, as US President Obama said so movingly in Hanover this April, then one would choose to be born into today’s world, despite all its crises, injustices and unrest. And yet in many ways, the world is better than it has ever been. The 2030 Agenda contains an ambitious global transformation programme, which creates opportunities for millions of people to have a better life. Germany and Europe played a great role in drawing up this programme. 

Thirdly – and above all – we need a strong and united Europe. The European Union is, and will remain, the crucial framework of German foreign policy. As regards German foreign policy, I say that Europe is not something to play around with, as it represents our one and only chance to actively influence the global order. A united Europe can be a magnet, whereas on their own the member states are little more than iron filings in tomorrow’s world. 

The EU must be capable of taking action in the crucial questions of our time, that is, on security and foreign policy, the challenges and opportunities of flight and migration, and economic, growth and currency matters. We want a “more flexible Union” that addresses the big issues effectively, but does not oblige every member state to take every further step involved in a joint undertaking. You don’t have to sign up to every new joint initiative immediately in order to be a good European. But at the same time, it cannot be the case that those who want to move forward together are blocked from taking joint initiatives. 

It is equally essential that we do not allow a situation to arise in which Europeans feel alienated from the European project. That is why we cannot limit the debate on Europe’s future to meeting rooms in Brussels or the Weltsaal in the Federal Foreign Office – especially now. What kind of Europe do we want? What needs to change? We need to discuss these issues with the people in our country, and if necessary, to argue with them about them. Entirely in keeping with our review process, we are planning to create a framework for this in the coming months in the form of discussion forums, town hall meetings and citizens’ workshops. I am certain that this can provide important impetus by the 60^th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome next March. 

There is much talk in the editorials about Germany’s new role. Some criticise this role as being too dominant. Others, such as your predecessor Radosław Sikorski, my dear Witold, urged Germany to finally take on a leadership role.

In my view, the particular challenge facing German foreign policy is not the issue of whether Germany is the key power in Europe, but rather whether it is able to work with its closest partners to create and uphold a political centre from which a common and strong Europe can act. 

Ladies and gentlemen, 

In an essay in the journal “Foreign Affairs” this spring, I attempted to analyse the transformation of Germany’s role in the world over the past 20 years. In my text, I described Germany as a “reflective power”. It is not easy to find a concise and fitting German translation for this term. “Nachdenklich”, the German word for “contemplative” is not what is meant – and “grüblerisch”, the word for “pensive”, is definitely not right. What is meant by “reflective” is a keen awareness of the ongoing special aspects of Germany’s role. But it also implies self‑awareness in the best sense of the term, that is, reflective self‑awareness. We are willing to take on greater responsibility beyond our own borders, including globally. Even if we did not actively seek out this status and it was more the changes in the world around us that led us to this role, we are taking on this foreign policy responsibility. 

Our special historical experiences are reflected in the ways and means we are doing so. This also includes the knowledge that there are often several and competing perceptions of the same reality; that, as Kissinger said, different perceptions are part of the reality we have to deal with; that we should ideally not resort to simplistic black-and-white depictions and dichotomies of “good” and “bad” in our analysis of the new types of conflicts in the Middle East and parts of Africa. This is more likely to conceal the path to a solution. The experience that there is no guarantee of success for foreign policy endeavours is also part of this knowledge. However, we must not forget that in this crisis-stricken world in which we live, the risk of failure never justifies the refusal to make new efforts. These experiences and the lessons we have learned from the past years form the foundation and framework for the use of our foreign policy instruments. 

Our foreign service is stronger today than it was three years ago. But this does not mean we can simply rest on our laurels. Diplomacy is a business with a future – but this business is not getting any easier. On the contrary, let us take on this challenge. And please do it where and however you can in your missions in cooperation with your French and Polish colleagues. 

Thank you very much.

from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Reden/2016/160829_BM_Boko.html?nn=479796

Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the International Day against Nuclear Tests

Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier issued the following statement in Berlin today (29 August) to mark the International Day against Nuclear Tests:

Zusatzinformationen

During my visit to Hiroshima in April, I gained an impression of the unspeakable suffering that is caused by the employment of nuclear weapons. To this day, Hiroshima serves as both a warning and a reminder of our duty: We must steadfastly pursue the aim of a world without nuclear weapons and prevent nuclear weapons from ever being used again.

On this International Day against Nuclear Tests, I therefore call on all those countries whose ratification is still required for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) to ratify it without delay. Only when the CTBT enters into force will nuclear tests be fully prohibited under international law.

The age of nuclear testing must be ended once and for all.

Background information:

The International Day against Nuclear Tests was established by the United Nations in 2009. In cooperation with our European partners, and through the Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Initiative that was launched in 2010, Germany is campaigning hard for entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT).

So far, 164 countries have ratified the CTBT. Ratification by China, Egypt, Iran, Israel and the United States is missing for the CTBT to enter into force. India, Pakistan and North Korea have not yet signed the CTBT.

Germany is a long-standing supporter of the CTBT and became a member of the Friends of the CTBT in 2013. Germany is the third-largest provider of funding for the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO), which is based in Vienna. The monitoring stations of the CTBTO play an important role in detecting and investigating nuclear testing by North Korea. Even though the CTBT has yet to enter into force, a reliable verification regime is already in place, thanks in large part to contributions by Germany. 

Find out more:

external link, opens in new windowTreaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclea Weapons (NPT)  

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Joint declaration by the Foreign Ministers of the Weimar Triangle, Frank‑Walter Steinmeier (Germany), Jean‑Marc Ayrault (France) and Witold Waszczykowski (Poland), on the future of Europe

“We now have a unique opportunity to assume a shared responsibility and to develop the new Europe in the spirit of human solidarity, conscious of our common fate and building on our heritage of shared values. The natural desire of all peoples for democracy, prosperity and security can in the long term only be fulfilled if the whole of Europe combines its strengths to work together.”

Hans‑Dietrich Genscher, Roland Dumas, Krzysztof Skubiszewski

Weimar, 29 August 1991



We, the Foreign Ministers of the Weimar Triangle, have gathered here in Weimar 25 years on from the foundation of the Weimar Triangle to continue the traditions and values associated with “the spirit of Weimar”. We look back with satisfaction and pride on these 25 years of the Weimar Triangle, which, as a trilateral Franco‑German‑Polish forum for discussion and cooperation, has been and continues to be used intensively for political and civil‑society exchange. The accession of Poland and other neighbouring states to the North Atlantic Alliance in 1999 and the European Union in 2004 were historic milestones which testified to our combined strengths. 

Since then, the Weimar Triangle has evolved into a major forum for exchange serving the wider cohesion of the enlarged European Union. In recent years the Foreign Ministers of the Weimar Triangle have provided major impetus for European Neighbourhood Policy and enlargement and – together with the Defence Ministers – for the Common Security and Defence Policy. Other ministers meet regularly in the Weimar format too, thus contributing to cohesion in Europe. This year, for instance, there have already been meetings of the Ministers for Europe and of the Ministers of Finance, Economics and Agriculture. 

Given the unprecedented challenges facing Europe, we believe there is a need to intensify cooperation and to give it fresh impetus, and it is in this light that we view the Summit of the Heads of State and Government of our countries planned for this year. 

On 23 June 2016 the British people voted to leave the European Union. We respect this sovereign decision, although we would have preferred the United Kingdom to stay in the EU. The United Kingdom remains an important European partner. In order to master the common challenges facing Europe in the 21st century, we continue to have a strong interest in close cooperation with the United Kingdom. As soon as the United Kingdom has notified the EU of its intention to withdraw from the Union, we will play our part to help ensure that the negotiations, which will run as specified in the statement by the heads of State and Government dated 29 June, proceed in a constructive manner. Even though the European Union is facing a huge challenge to cohesion in Europe, we remain convinced that it is the natural, indispensable and future-oriented framework for the pursuit of freedom, prosperity and security in Europe, for shaping peaceful relations between its peoples and for helping to ensure peace and stability in the world. 

Without calling into question all that has been achieved, we do have to understand the causes of Eurosceptic attitudes. We want to strengthen the European Union and the foundations of European integration by proving its ability to act. We take the expectations, concerns and fears of our citizens seriously and want to demonstrate through tangible results that, in the face of the major challenges of our time, we can achieve more together as the European Union than can individual nation-states in the fields of internal and external security, migration and flight, improving competitiveness, and increasing growth and employment, particularly for young people. Concentrating on essential aspects like this also means leaving other areas to national or regional decision-making processes where this seems a better way to attain our common goals. 

We know that there are no quick fixes for the aforementioned challenges. However, we are resolved to tackle them together, in the spirit of renewed mutual confidence, because we are convinced that joint action by all member States remains the best option for our future.

At the same time, by making the best possible use of the existing possibilities under the Treaties, particularly in the field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, we are aiming to create a more flexible European Union which respects and reflects the varying levels of ambition among member States with regard to further integration. In order to strengthen cohesion within the European Union, we suggest, as Foreign Ministers of the Weimar Triangle, that meetings continue to be held in future in expanded formats, including with the Foreign Ministers of the Visegrad Group, of which Poland currently holds the chair, as well as with other states.

We want a stronger, more secure Europe with an intensified and more effective Common Security and Defence Policy. We welcome the Global Strategy presented by the High Representative, which aptly describes the strategic context and the dangers confronting the European Union. It identifies the priorities, the objectives and the ways in which we can deliver true strategic independence and a stronger European foreign and security policy which will make the European Union a genuine global player. We must now take the necessary steps to rapidly implement this strategy. We support a substantive follow‑up strategy in the field of security and defence. We advocate an annual meeting of the European Council in the format of a “European Security Council” looking at strategic issues in internal and external security, which are indivisibly linked. 

Europe needs to restore confidence on the basis of the OSCE principles. We want the European Union to provide sustainable support for endeavours by our eastern, southern and regional partners towards stability, development and crisis-prevention by conducting projects designed to strengthen resilience and the development of institutional capacities. We share the concept of sustainable, comprehensive, ambitious engagement expressed in the strategy to stabilise the EU’s eastern and southern neighbourhoods. Measures to strengthen our neighbours’ resilience and internal stability will impact favourably on our own security. We believe it necessary to use all articles of the Treaty on European Union, including those which have not been used to date and which give us a huge degree of flexibility, in order to consolidate and intensify our cooperation on defence and to enable us to respond to the entire spectrum of crises. 

The European Union, which is currently contributing to peace and stability by participating in eleven civilian and six military missions on three continents, needs European civilian and military planning and command capability in crisis situations. We stress the need for the sustainable development of a strong and competitive defence economy in Europe. Strengthening security and defence policy will also help to strengthen European capabilities in NATO and to implement the decisions on defending the territory of the Alliance as well as transatlantic cooperation on international crisis management. Recognising the importance of the development of the strategic partnership between the EU and NATO, we advocate the complete implementation of the Warsaw Declaration adopted by the EU and NATO on 8 July 2016. 

A strong Europe is a Europe which is able both to seize the manifold opportunities inherent in globalisation and at the same time to protect against its negative repercussions, e.g. unemployment and increasing inequalities, and thus to keep its promise to its citizens of prosperity: 

-           in the field of new technologies and the shift to green energy, economic policy must make new efforts to increase public and private investment to boost jobs and employment; 

-           as well as developing the internal energy market and promoting energy efficiency and new and renewable energies, there is a need to strengthen joint energy security, for example through flexible regional cooperation in the event of supply problems, as part of an ambitious energy and climate policy designed to implement the Paris Agreement in full; 

-           structural reforms must be continued, particularly in order to increase Europe’s attractiveness for international investment, and initiatives aimed at accelerating economic convergence and the harmonisation of tax and welfare systems must be implemented in order to make the European Union more competitive; 

-           with regard to the social dimension, economic governance and its democratic control must be strengthened in order to regain the public’s trust. 

With a renewed growth and employment policy, the Union is sending a strong signal to young Europeans who ought to be able to profit more from the advantages of European integration within the framework of ambitious programmes. In this way, the existing measures in the fields of education, entrepreneurial development, mobility and access to the labour market should be intensified.

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Message from Minister of State for Europe Michael Roth for the Summer Reception of the Evangelische Akademie Abt Jerusalem, Braunschweig

Ladies and gentlemen,

I am afraid I cannot be with you in Braunschweig this evening because I have had to travel to Turkey at short notice. However, I would like to take this opportunity to address some words to you.

Your Academy’s namesake, Johann Friedrich Wilhelm Jerusalem, also known as Abbot Jerusalem, was one of the most important theologians of the Age of Enlightenment. In the 18th century efforts were being made to preserve Protestant doctrines by adapting them to the ideas of the Enlightenment – and what a project that was!

The way in which religion and society interact with each other is not only a subject of interest to theologians such as Abbot Jerusalem, but also to politicians such as myself. I have often asked myself – and not only since becoming Minister of State for Europe at the Federal Foreign Office three years ago – what my Christian faith really means for my political convictions and decisions. How can we shape politics – for Germany, Europe and the world – in accordance with a Christian sense of responsibility? You can’t simply leave your faith at the door when you enter into Parliament or an office in the Foreign Ministry.

You will have noticed that I want to raise some fundamental issues here, even though I know that the rest of the world is busy talking about Brexit! On your website I saw that this Academy is a place in which questions of faith and ethical challenges are reflected on and discussed publicly and vigorously. You hope that differing opinions will be openly expressed and compete with each other to provide perspectives on how we wish to live tomorrow and today.

It would be my pleasure to contribute to this debate! I would thus like to use this speech today to share with you five thoughts on the interrelationship between politics and religion.

Firstly, I believe that being a Christian means, above all, not looking away. Not being blind to what is going on in the world around us.

We live in a world in which at present more than 60 million people have fled war and terror. We live in a world in which horrific human rights violations are still committed in many places. We live in a world in which people are oppressed and persecuted for their political beliefs, their religion, colour or sexual orientation.

You might say that these things are all happening far away from us here in Europe, and that they are nothing to do with us. But I say, as a politician and above all as a Christian, yes, they are! Because sooner or later we will feel their impact here in Germany too.

It is an illusion to think we can barricade ourselves off from the problems affecting other parts of the world by putting up fences and walls. We couldn’t, even if we wanted to. Refugee flows don’t stop at national borders, they keep on moving – right up to our doorstep, to the point at which we can no longer ignore them. War and terrorism also catch up with us sooner or later, as we have to send soldiers to the trouble spots or when terrorists unleash violence and destruction in our midst in Europe.

It is indeed just the one world we all live in. Perhaps we ourselves haven’t been focusing on this principle too closely recently, having been beset by our own problems such as the euro crisis and Brexit.

Secondly, being a Christian always also means that I want to intervene where I see there is work to be done and take action. Faith is, of course, a very personal and private affair. But as Christians we bear responsibility not only for ourselves, but also for our fellow human beings.

Martin Luther, for example, was inclined to intervene. Luther was a man of words and a man of action. He considered himself to be not only a monk and a Reformer, but also a political individual. He took his stances, argued for them with those in charge, and acted accordingly. He had a clear message for us all: intervene for the common good! Take your responsibility before God and the world seriously!

What does this mean in practice today? In my view, Luther’s imperative is also a clear mission statement for us all: Let us stand together, let us work together to tackle these trials of our times! Withdrawing into a national shell and closing the hatches is not an option. What we need now is the willingness to reach out to other people and jointly assume responsibility for peace, freedom, justice, and preserving the integrity of Creation.

Thirdly, in my opinion, being a Christian also involves treating the people who have fled their homes and come to us in their plight with respect and sincerity, seeing them as human beings and not as an anonymous mass – regardless of whether they will be allowed to stay or not.

Acting thus is also a question of Christian responsibility. Don’t you think it is strange that Germany has been criticised in part because we treat refugees in accordance with our shared values – i.e. humanely and decently. We will continue to do so, and won’t apologize to anyone for doing so.

Fourthly, I feel that being a Christian also means taking a clear stance against any form of religious “racism”.

Claiming that all Muslims may be terrorists following the dreadful attacks in Paris, Brussels, Nice, Würzburg, Ansbach and elsewhere, can only be described as a form of irresponsible populism. Anyone who makes claims of this kind is simply trying to instrumentalise the attacks for their own political ends. That is not only shameful, it is also extremely dangerous.

If we were to be hoodwinked by these demagogues, the terrorists would have achieved their goals: to divide us and to foment a religious “war”. The issue here is not a conflict between religions. The divide does not run between believers and non-believers. It runs between a small minority of barbaric extremists, who seek to sow hate and distrust, and an overwhelming majority of people – regardless of their religion, culture or ethnic background – who simply want to live in peace and respect one another.

I strongly disagree with anyone who says that Islam and democracy are incompatible. The facts belie this claim. The vast majority of Muslims around the world live in democracies – in India, in Indonesia, in Malaysia, in Tunisia, as well as in the US and in the European Union.

My fifth and final point concerns the future of our country in this age of migration. The question under discussion is one to which I myself have yet to find a conclusive answer. How can we live together in a multi-religious, multi-ethnic and multicultural society now and in the future? I think this will be one of the crucial tests for our society in the years to come.

It’s true that societies which are open to diverse cultures, religions and ethnic groups are demanding. This is because they require a willingness for change. They require it not only of the people who come to us. We ourselves must also change. In the long term, simply saying to the immigrants, “We’re the majority! You’ve got to adapt!” is unlikely to work.

Change always implies the loss of familiar ways, of points of reference. This can lead to insecurities and ultimately give rise to fears, causing people to retreat and barricade themselves in.

As we all know, fear is not a good counsellor. If such a social model is to function, what we need instead is an intensive dialogue between religions and cultures, in order to break down the stereotypes and fears that exist on all sides, and to develop a shared set of values. What I would like to see is mutual tolerance which is more than simply the absence of discrimination and marginalisation. What I would like to see is acceptance in action, acceptance that is capable of leading to empathy. However, this presupposes that we are really interested in each other and willing to genuinely interact with each other.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I would like to conclude by expressing my gratitude. Gratitude for the engagement of so many brothers and sisters in our church communities. Staff members and volunteers. At the height of the refugee crisis, there were those who worked to the point of complete exhaustion. For humanity, for respect and tolerance, for a culture of welcome. That is love of your neighbour put into practice. And I would like to encourage you to continue to be so actively engaged.

One quote attributed to Abbot Jerusalem can be translated as follows: “How light, how serene, how calm everything becomes in my soul as soon as it is touched by the thought that the world has its origins in a higher being.” This trust in God should be an example to us and should inspire us not to lose heart but to take action, notwithstanding the trials ahead. With our faith as an inner compass which emboldens us to go on our way with hope, even when aware of the difficulties.

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http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Reden/2016/160825_StM_R_evAkad.html?nn=479796

Ambassadors Conference at the Federal Foreign Office

On Monday, 29 August 2016, the 25th anniversary of the foundation of the Weimar Triangle, Foreign Minister Steinmeier will open this year’s Ambassadors Conference, which is taking place for the fifteenth time, with his French counterpart, Jean-Marc Ayrault, and his Polish counterpart, Witold Waszczykowski.

From 29 August until 1 September, the conference will bring together not only more than 200 heads of German missions abroad, but also diplomats from foreign embassies and a large number of high-level representatives from the worlds of politics, business and culture.

The keynote topic of this year’s Conference is “Responsibility, interest, instruments – Germany and the international order”. The tectonic plates of global politics are shifting, and the international order is under pressure. This development is of outstanding importance for Germany, which is more interconnected than just about any other country in the world and benefits considerably from international exchange.

During various workshops, the ambassadors will discuss how the term “order” can be defined and put into practice in view of the current shifts in international politics.

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http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160826_Boko.html?nn=479796

How Bristol engineers helped cyclists on the road to Olympic success

Ambassadors Conference at the Federal Foreign Office

On Monday, 29 August 2016, the 25th anniversary of the foundation of the Weimar Triangle, Foreign Minister Steinmeier will open this year’s Ambassadors Conference, which is taking place for the fifteenth time, with his French counterpart, Jean-Marc Ayrault, and his Polish counterpart, Witold Waszczykowski.

From 29 August until 1 September, the conference will bring together not only more than 200 heads of German missions abroad, but also diplomats from foreign embassies and a large number of high-level representatives from the worlds of politics, business and culture.

The keynote topic of this year’s Conference is “Responsibility, interest, instruments – Germany and the international order”. The tectonic plates of global politics are shifting, and the international order is under pressure. This development is of outstanding importance for Germany, which is more interconnected than just about any other country in the world and benefits considerably from international exchange.

During various workshops, the ambassadors will discuss how the term “order” can be defined and put into practice in view of the current shifts in international politics.

from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4RirkR-K4eQ

Joint Statement on Libya by the Governments of France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States

The Governments of France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States welcome the statement of the Presidency Council (PC) of 24 August 2016 and the announcement of its intention to submit a revised list of Government of National Accord (GNA) Ministers to the House of Representatives (HoR).  They emphasised the unanimous adoption of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2259 which endorses the Rome Communiqué of 13 December 2015 and the Libya Political Agreement to support the GNA as the sole legitimate government of Libya and reject official contact with parallel institutions that claim to be the legitimate authority but are outside the Libya Political Agreement.  They recalled the Vienna conference of 16 May 2016 in which the international community expressed unanimous support for Libyan Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj.

The Governments of France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States look forward to the prompt transmission of this list to the HoR, and urge the HoR to vote in its entirety, on the revised GNA Cabinet within ten days, as foreseen in the Libyan Political Agreement. Members of the HoR are responsible for taking this next vital step in implementing the Libya Political Agreement, which provides the only means to restore peace and stability in Libya.

We remain committed to providing our full support to the Libyan people, to the PC, and the GNA led by Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj as they work to restore unity and rebuild Libya. We reiterate our full support for the ongoing work of UNSMIL and UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya Martin Kobler.  

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Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the peace agreement in Colombia

Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier today (25 August) issued the following statement on the successful conclusion of the peace negotiations between the Colombian government and FARC in Havana:

Zusatzinformationen

In times marked by so many crises and conflicts, the news from Colombia about successful conclusion of peace negotiations in Havana is much more than a ray of hope. This is a historic moment for Colombia, as well as for all of Latin America.

I congratulate President Juan Manuel Santos and his government on this great achievement. We rejoice with the people of Colombia that, with yesterday’s agreement, the foundation has been laid for an end to the bloodshed of the past decades.

The focus must now be on rapidly getting to work on implementing the agreement, and on involving all parts of Colombian society in efforts to achieve peace and reconciliation.

I hope the success of the Havana talks will also provide impetus for the stalled negotiation process with the ELN.

Germany stands side-by-side with Colombia. We will continue to do our utmost, also through our Special Representative Tom Koenigs, to support the country’s great efforts to achieve sustainable and lasting peace.

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Transparency data: Border Force transparency data: August 2016

This document contains data on:

• clearance of passengers at the border
• drug seizure volumes
• drug seizures
• convention on international trade in endangered species
• tax revenue that is protected through detecting goods where excise duty has not been declared
• annual cost per passenger processed at the border

from
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/border-force-transparency-data-august-2016

Transparency data: International operations transparency data: August 2016

This document contains data on:

• percentage of settlement and non-settlement out of country visa applications processed within service standards
• percentage of resolved out of country visa applications, in each PBS tier, processed within service standards
• cases in work in progress for both temporary and permanent out of country visa applications
• time to resolve applications for refugee resettlement and humanitarian family reunion out of country applications
• cases in work in progress for refugee resettlement and humanitarian family reunion out of country applications

from
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/international-operations-transparency-data-august-2016

Transparency data: Sponsorship transparency data: August 2016

This document contains data on:

• number of sponsors registered on points based system routes
• number of new sponsor applications
• percentage of sponsors with highly trusted sponsor status
• breakdown by time taken to process an application
• sponsor notifications in potential non-compliance categories received
• sponsors (by tier) which had pre-registration visits
• sponsors (by tier) which had follow up visits including ‘unannounced’ visits
• sponsorship requests
• sponsorship service standards
• action taken against sponsors
• sponsor notifications regarding potential non-compliance
• number where leave has been curtailed

from
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/sponsorship-transparency-data-august-2016

Transparency data: Customer service operations data: August 2016

This document contains data on the performance against service standards in relation to:

• performance against service standards in relation to replies to MP letters
• outstanding out of service standard MP letters
• performance against service standard for customer complaints, MP’s emails and MP further action cases
• UKVI applicant satisfaction survey results

from
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/customer-service-operations-data-august-2016

Transparency data: Asylum transparency data: August 2016

This document contains data on:

• older live cases unit
• the appeal representation rate
• decision quality
• breakdown of adult asylum intake and 6 month decisions by gender
• breakdown of adult 30 day decisions by gender
• asylum work in progress
• breakdown of costs and productivity
• breakdown of cases concluded and removed
• the number of azure cards in use
• asylum support (section 4 and section 95)
• travel documents

from
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/asylum-transparency-data-august-2016

Transparency data: Immigration Enforcement data: August 2016

This document contains data on:

• migration refusal pool data
• foreign national offender data
• family returns data
• cedars return data
• cost of detaining people who left immigration detention and were subsequently granted leave to enter or leave to * remain in the UK
• cost per day to hold an individual in immigration detention
• reports made under Rule 35 on individuals in immigration detention
• reports made under Rule 35 by institution
• carriers issued with a notification of demand for payment
• intelligence intake crime type breakdown
• enforcement visit arrests linked to subsequent removals
• escorted moves and Home Office manual for escorting safely (HOMES) data

from
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/immigration-enforcement-data-august-2016

Transparency data: Historical interest transparency data: August 2016

This document contains data on:

• 2006 cohort of foreign national offenders released without consideration for deportation

from
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/historical-interest-transparency-data-august-2016

Transparency data: Border and immigration cross cutting data: August 2016

This document contains data on:

• staffing within UKVI and IE
• spending on external consultant

from
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/border-and-immigration-cross-cutting-data-august-2016

Foreign Minister Steinmeier on UN report on the use of chemical weapons in Syria

Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier issued the following statement today (25 August) on the United Nations report on the use of poison gas in Syria:

"The report by the commission deployed by the UN Security Council now confirms what we have long feared, namely that the Syrian regime has verifiably used chlorine gas against its own people in the past few years. The terrorist militia IS has also used mustard gas.

We condemn the unscrupulous and ruthless use of chemical weapons – which are banned under international law – against the Syrian population, no matter from which side, in the strongest possible terms.

The use of chemical weapons, particularly against the civilian population, and the deliberate breach of the Chemical Weapons Convention must not remain without consequences.

The UN Security Council must now draw the right conclusions and take the necessary steps. I trust that this will happen and hope that, in view of the indisputable facts on the table, the Security Council will now display the necessary unity and determination to put an end to these terrible excesses.

The people in Syria have suffered for over five years as a result of the continuous spread of the civil war and the barbaric violence that is quite obviously prepared to stop at nothing. There are evidently still too many people in Syria and the international community who believe that the military card is the right way forward. However, we must not, especially now, slacken our efforts to get humanitarian supplies to the people in the face of such great resistance and to drive forward the Vienna process to achieve a political transition."

from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160825_BM_UNBericht_Syrien.html?nn=479796

Minister of State Roth to travel to Turkey

Michael Roth, Minister of State at the Federal Foreign Office, is to visit Turkey on Thursday and Friday (25 to 26 August). He will hold political talks first in Ankara and then in Istanbul.

Minister of State Roth will meet his counterpart, members of parliament and representatives of civil society, including from the LGBTI scene and the worlds of art, culture and academia. The trip is one of many expressions of the close dialogue that the Federal Government maintains with its partners in Turkey.

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Statement by Foreign Minister Frank‑Walter Steinmeier on the death of Henning Voscherau

Foreign Minister Frank‑Walter Steinmeier issued the following statement today (24 August) on the death of Henning Voscherau:

"I am very saddened by the news that Henning Voscherau has died.

We have lost a great north German Social Democrat today.

Henning Voscherau was a political colleague, a companion and a friend – a man of firm convictions and unswerving values.

As Mayor of Hamburg, he shaped the fate of his native city for almost a decade. In turbulent times, he astutely recognised the great opportunities and possibilities created by the fall of the Iron Curtain and the end of the Cold War and was able to make use of them for the benefit of Hamburg.

Henning Voscherau’s voice was heard far beyond the confines of his home town. We shall miss it."

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Human Rights Commissioner on the death of Gambian opposition politician Ebrima Solo Kurumah

Bärbel Kofler, Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Policy and Humanitarian Aid at the Federal Foreign Office, issued the following statement today (24 August):

"I am deeply concerned by reports from the Gambia. Opposition politician Ebrima Solo Kurumah is said to have died last Saturday, shortly after undergoing surgery at a hospital to which he had been transferred from prison. He had allegedly earlier been refused medical aid in prison.

Ebrima Solo Kurumah was arrested on 9 May together with 35 other members of the UDP opposition party for reasons unknown. 20 of those arrested were later released. Charges were brought against the other 16, including Kurumah.

In July, 19 other UDP members were sentenced to three years in prison. They had protested in April against the death in police custody of a leading member of the UDP, and had called for electoral reform. 

The rights guaranteed by the Gambian constitution, such as freedom of expression and the right of peaceful assembly, must be upheld at all times. The deployment of the security forces against demonstrators must not violate the principle of proportionality.

I call on the Gambian Government to investigate the circumstances leading to the deaths of opposition members Ebrima Solo Kurumah and Solo Sandeng quickly and thoroughly. I equally call on the Gambian Government to investigate the accusations of torture in prisons and to ensure that all prisoners are treated humanely."

Background information:

Ebrima Solo Kurumah was arrested on 9 May together with 35 other members of the Gambian UDP opposition party in circumstances that remain unclear. Charges were brought against 16 of these people, including Ebrima Solo Kurumah and a young woman with a four-month-old baby.

Leading members of the Gambian UDP had previously demonstrated, on 16 April, against the arrest of Solo Sandeng and other opposition members two days earlier.

Solo Sandeng had held a peaceful protest for electoral reform with members of the UDP, and was arrested for his actions by the Gambian security forces. He died in jail shortly thereafter. In July, the Gambian Government announced that an inquiry would be held into the death of Sandeng, but no results have yet been produced.

In July, 19 of the opposition members arrested on 16 April were sentenced to three years in prison for offences including unlawful assembly, disturbance of the peace and conspiracy. 11 of the demonstrators of 14 April were also convicted of these offences and sentenced to three years in jail.

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http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160824_GMB_Kurumah.html?nn=479796

Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the earthquake in Italy

Foreign Minister Steinmeier issued the following statement this morning (24 August) on the earthquake which struck Italy in the early hours of this morning:

“I was deeply shocked to hear the news of the earthquake in Italy early this morning. It appears that many people have lost their lives or been injured.

At this time of grief and solidarity, we stand united with our Italian friends and partners.

I am certain that the Italian authorities will do everything in their power to help the victims. If desired, we are of course willing to provide assistance.”

Background information:

In the early hours of 24 August 2016, an earthquake measuring 6.2 on the Richter scale hit the area south of the small town of Norcia where the regions Lazio, Marche and Umbria meet. The towns of Accumoli and Amatrice were the worst affected. According to early reports, people have been killed, injured or buried by rubble.

The Italian authorities have set up a nationwide emergency helpline: +39 800 840 840.

The German Embassy in Rome and the Crisis Response Centre at the Federal Foreign Office have set up a crisis unit. You can also keep informed about the situation by referring to the travel and security advice issued by the Federal Foreign Office.

from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160824_BM_Erdbeben.html?nn=479796

How Do University Rankings Help Students?

from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XEPdEY_CMY4

Foreign Minister Steinmeier invites the Foreign Ministers of France and Poland to a Weimar Triangle meeting

On Sunday (28 August) Foreign Minister Steinmeier is to receive his French and Polish counterparts, Jean-Marc Ayrault and Witold Waszczykowski, in Weimar. The talks are being held to mark 25 years of the Weimar Triangle. The foreign ministers will discuss the current situation in Europe, and will also focus on ongoing crises and conflicts.

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http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160824_BM_WeimarerDreieck.html?nn=479796

Informal meeting of the OSZE Foreign Ministers  in Potsdam

In his capacity as Chairperson-in-Office of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier has invited his counterparts from the OSCE participating States to an informal meeting in Potsdam on Thursday, 1 September.

The talks will focus on the common challenges as regards security in the OSCE area and on enhancing cooperation between the OSCE participating States. The main topics will be the Organization’s activities in crisis and conflict management, particularly in Ukraine, and in counterterrorism, as well as arms control. The meeting will also serve to prepare the OSCE Ministerial Council in Hamburg in early December at which Germany’s OSCE Chairmanship in 2016 will be formally concluded. 

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http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160823_OSZE_AM-Treffen.html?nn=479796

Minister of State Böhmer welcomes the opening of the trial at the ICC on the destruction of UNESCO world cultural heritage in Mali

The trial against an alleged main perpetrator of the destruction of monuments in the UNESCO World Heritage site in Timbuktu in 2012 opened at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague today (22 August). Professor Maria Böhmer, Minister of State at the Federal Foreign Office and Special Representative of the Federal Foreign Office for UNESCO World Heritage, UNESCO Cultural Conventions and UNESCO Education and Science Programmes, issued the following statement on this trial:

Zusatzinformationen

“I welcome the opening of the first trial at the ICC on the destruction of world cultural heritage. This means that the destruction of UNESCO world cultural heritage is being treated as a possible war crime.

I am pleased that we were able to do our part in improving the protection of our cultural heritage through the Bonn Declaration of 2015, which I was privileged to adopt as Chairperson of the 39th session of the World Heritage Committee. This paradigm shift played a major role in bringing about the trial.”

Background information:

In the Bonn Declaration of 2015, the UNESCO World Heritage Committee, chaired by Germany, strongly condemned the destruction of world heritage as a possible war crime. In addition, the United Nations General Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution presented jointly by Germany and Iraq in 2015 stating that the destruction of world heritage is not justified by any religion. The International Criminal Court is currently holding its first trial on the intentional destruction of a World Heritage site.

The Federal Foreign Office provided support for a clandestine rescue that saved 285,000 precious manuscripts from the World Heritage site in Timbuktu from destruction and transported them to Bamako. The Federal Foreign Office is also supporting international efforts to set up a modern archive in order to safeguard the manuscripts’ rightful place in humanity’s cultural heritage.

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http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160822_StM_B_Zerstoerung_Kulturerbe_Mali.html?nn=479796

Minister of State Böhmer visits Botswana

Professor Maria Böhmer, Minister of State at the Federal Foreign Office, will visit Botswana from 23 to 26 August to mark the forthcoming 50th anniversary of the country’s independence in September. She will hold talks with Foreign Minister Dr Pelonomi Venson-Moitoi, Education Minister Dr Unity Dow, Speaker of the National Assembly Gladys Kokorwe and other senior figures from the spheres of business, culture and politics. The focus of the talks will be on paying tribute to the positive developments in Botswana, professional education and strengthening women’s role in civil society. Before leaving Germany, Minister of State Böhmer issued the following statement today (22 August):

Zusatzinformationen

“In many different ways, Botswana is one of Africa’s success stories. It is also of great importance to me personally to support the endeavours to empower women in politics, business, academia and culture. Professional education gives young people opportunities in their own country. Enhancing young people’s professional education is an important task throughout Africa, also as regards preventing the reasons why people flee.

Botswana is the seat of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and other organisations. Women hold some positions in politics and society, including at the highest levels.

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Statement by Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the attack in Turkey

Commenting on the attack in Turkey, Foreign Minister Steinmeier issued the following statement on Sunday (21 August 2016)

Zusatzinformationen

Turkey has been shocked by another horrific attack. Once again, we are seeing the barbaric methods used by terrorists. And yet again, innocent people have died.

A wedding, which should have been a joyful celebration, turned into a nightmare. Our thoughts are with the victims, their families and friends. We mourn with them.

No matter who is behind this attack, it is to be condemned in the strongest possible terms. Nothing can justify violence or attacks against innocent people!

from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160821_BM_Anschlag_Tuerkei.html?nn=479796

News story: New digital visa application service now available worldwide

In 2014 the Home Office introduced a new digital application service for customers in China to apply for visitor visas online.

Following its successful launch, Access UK has now been made available for customers applying to visit the UK in over 180 countries and 10 languages. Over half a million visitor visa applications have been received so far by the new service.

Access UK means visa customers can:

• make quicker visa applications using an intuitive online form
• use easy-to-follow checklists and steps which list the documents required to make an application
• apply flexibly using any mobile device

Access UK

Simon Peachey, UK Visas and Immigration’s Director of International Visa Operations, said:

I’m delighted to report that this global roll-out has been achieved on time and without compromising on the quality of the service.

The service will be rolled out to a further 13 lower volume locations over the coming weeks. Locations such as the Falkland Islands have unique application processes and are not yet able to use Access UK.

Access UK will replace the Visa4UK website, as part of the Home Office’s commitment to making it more convenient, quicker and easier for customers to apply for visas.

from
https://www.gov.uk/government/news/new-digital-visa-application-service-now-available-worldwide

News story: New digital visa application service now available worldwide

In 2014 the Home Office introduced a new digital application service for customers in China to apply for visitor visas online.

Following its successful launch, Access UK has now been made available for customers applying to visit the UK in over 180 countries and 10 languages. Over half a million visitor visa applications have been received so far by the new service.

Access UK means visa customers can:

• make quicker visa applications using an intuitive online form
• use easy-to-follow checklists and steps which list the documents required to make an application
• apply flexibly using any mobile device

Access UK

Simon Peachey, UK Visas and Immigration’s Director of International Visa Operations, said:

I’m delighted to report that this global roll-out has been achieved on time and without compromising on the quality of the service.

The service will be rolled out to a further 13 lower volume locations over the coming weeks. Locations such as the Falkland Islands have unique application processes and are not yet able to use Access UK.

Access UK will replace the Visa4UK website, as part of the Home Office’s commitment to making it more convenient, quicker and easier for customers to apply for visas.

from
https://www.gov.uk/government/news/new-digital-visa-application-service-now-available-worldwide

England's Greatest Garden Designer – Capability Brown

The global roll out of the Home Office’s Access UK visit visa service is now complete.

from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VcwhvJc-sSk

World Humanitarian Day on 19 August

On the occasion of World Humanitarian Day on 19 August, the Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Policy and Humanitarian Aid at the Federal Foreign Office, Bärbel Kofler, issued the following statement today (19 August 2016):

“World Humanitarian Day is an opportunity for us to pause and reflect and to remember those who have been injured or even lost their lives in their efforts to help people in need.

In the past months, reports have reached us all too frequently, particularly from Syria and Yemen, that aid workers such as doctors and medical workers have fallen victim to attacks. I condemn these attacks in the strongest possible terms. The fundamental principles of international humanitarian law are non-negotiable and must be respected by all parties to conflicts. This is the only way to allow humanitarian aid workers to help those in need.

The work done by humanitarian aid workers is more important than ever. More than 65 million people have been forced to flee their homes around the world; the same number again are in need of humanitarian aid for other reasons, including food shortages, lack of drinking water and destroyed infrastructure. These are sad records indeed. As the third-largest donor of humanitarian aid, Germany is making a major contribution to supporting people in need around the world. We have increased our commitment considerably once again. Moreover, we are working to encourage other donors to increase the level of their commitments.

At the first World Humanitarian Summit in Istanbul in May, we managed to lay important foundations for the future of humanitarian aid. These include a commitment to humanitarian principles and efforts to further the development of humanitarian aid. The increased humanitarian need must be met by sufficient funds, and involving local partners is important in order to ensure that aid measures are successful. We want to improve planning of humanitarian aid in order to optimise our response to challenges such as the El Niño phenomenon. Germany has been committed to the World Summit the outset and is at the forefront of efforts to implement innovations in the area of humanitarian aid.” 

Background information:

On 19 August 2003, 22 United Nations employees were killed in a bomb attack on United Nations headquarters in Baghdad. Since 2009, World Humanitarian Day has been observed on 19 August of each year in order to recognise international humanitarian aid and its principles. Aid workers who have lost their lives while alleviating suffering around the world are remembered in particular.

Attacks on humanitarian aid workers and violations of international humanitarian law continued to increase in the past year. For example, a barrel bomb attack on a clinic in Al Zafarana in Syria operated by the aid organisation Doctors Without Borders killed seven people and severely damaged the hospital in November 2015. In April, five civil defence workers died in an air strike on the Civil Defence (“White Helmets”) centre in al‑Atari, west of Aleppo, while another hospital supported by Doctors Without Borders was attacked in Yemen on Tuesday this week. At least 11 people died in the attack.

Within the German Government, responsibility for humanitarian aid abroad lies with the Federal Foreign Office. According to the principle of subsidiarity, the German Government provides humanitarian aid where the government of a country hit by disaster is unable or unwilling to do so itself on a sufficient scale. In 2016, the Federal Foreign Office has provided over 1.1 billion euros to respond to humanitarian crises around the world.

Alongside the humanitarian emergency in Syria and its neighbouring countries, the crises in Iraq and Ukraine, as well as the so-called forgotten crises in Africa, such as in Congo Basin and the Lake Chad region, are the principal focuses of the Federal Foreign Office’s work in this area.

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Human Rights Commissioner on systematic torture and abuse in Syria

Bärbel Kofler, Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Policy and Humanitarian Aid at the Federal Foreign Office, issued the following statement today (18 August):

Zusatzinformationen

I am greatly concerned by the recent report by Amnesty International on the situation in prisons operated by the Syrian regime, which documents the systematic attack on the civilian population as part of a state policy that constitutes a crime against humanity.

Torture, abuse, sexual violence and barring access to medical care, as well as the use of hunger as a weapon, are everyday forms of the regime’s warfare. Hundreds of thousands of randomly selected civilians, often women and minors, have been made to suffer torture in the country’s government detention facilities. This had already been documented by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic of the United Nations Human Rights Council in its report, published in February 2016, on deaths in Syrian prisons. Amnesty International has put the spotlight on this brutal system of torture once more in its report published today entitled “It breaks the human. Torture, Disease and Death in Syria’s Prisons”.

This shows once again how urgently we need channels of communication in order to put an end to these grave human rights violations. The release of all those who have been arbitrarily detained by the Syrian regime is a non-negotiable right. This is an indispensable precondition for any political settlement and must not be allowed to become a bargaining chip. The work of courageous activists – who sometimes put their own lives on the line in the process – to document these crimes is of inestimable value, and I hold their contribution in the highest regard.

Background information

Since the beginning of the crackdown on the initially peaceful protests against the regime of Bashar al‑Assad, more than 250,000 people have died in the war in Syria. While all parties to the conflict have committed systematic human rights violations, the Syrian regime is responsible for the overwhelming majority of cases. Alongside starving the civilian population of whole cities and the targeted use of heavy weapons against the population, torture, abuse and sexual violence perpetrated by the country’s security and intelligence services against arbitrarily detained civilians is characteristic of the regime’s policy.

Conservative estimates have put the number at well over one hundred thousand arbitrarily detained citizens so far, as well as over 17,000 deaths as a result of torture. The victims are often selected at random, with increasing numbers of them women, and come from all sections of society. They disappear into one of the many (secret) prisons, where they are often detained for months or even years under the most undignified conditions and are deliberately abused. Sexual violence is the order of the day. The unimaginable extent of the torture and details of this vile system have been well documented by a wide range of human rights organisations, and especially by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic of the United Nations Human Rights Council.

Amnesty International’s report “It breaks the human. Torture, Disease and Death in Syria’s Prisons” published on 18 August 2016 can be found here: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde24/4508/2016/en/

Information on the work of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic of the United Nations Human Rights Council can be found here: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/IICISyria/Pages/IndependentInternationalCommission.aspx

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Human Rights Commissioner on unrest in Ethiopia

Bärbel Kofler, Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Policy and Humanitarian Aid at the Federal Foreign Office, issued the following statement today (17 August):

Zusatzinformationen

It is with great concern that I have been following the news of unrest in Ethiopia, which has now spread from the Oromia to the Amhara region and to Addis Ababa and culminated most recently in a weekend of violence in the course of which some 50 people were killed in clashes with security forces. I call on all the parties involved to enter into an inclusive dialogue and to refrain unconditionally from further violence. I would like to offer the victims’ families my condolences and to wish those who have been injured a speedy recovery.

Rights guaranteed by the Ethiopian constitution such as the freedom of expression and of peaceful assembly must be protected. Steps taken by the security forces during demonstrations must not violate the principle of proportionality.

I firmly believe that the redistribution of land for development and investment purposes, as well as the reorganisation of administrative districts, must proceed in a participatory, transparent and socially acceptable manner. It is important to take the legitimate demands of ethnic groups and opposition forces into account in this process. All sections of the population must benefit from the economic progress achieved in Ethiopia in equal measure. I therefore call on the Government to enter into a constructive dialogue with the entire population while drawing on local forces and strengthening federal structures. This is the only way to calm the situation and to ensure peace in the long term.

Background information

Since November 2015, there have been repeated demonstrations and protests in the Oromia, and now also the Amhara region against the central government and the structural discrimination of the provinces and their ethnic populations. The Ethiopian Government has responded to this with censorship, intimidation and violence on the part of the security forces. As was the case in previous protests, the Government first blocked social media and news services before shutting down the whole of the Internet across the country.

There are no confirmed figures for the number of victims. However, it is safe to assume that several hundred people were killed from November 2015 to May 2016 (more than 400 according to Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch). The Ethiopian Government has not confirmed these figures.

Alongside the turbulent region of Oromia, Gondar (in the Amhara region) has become a further trouble spot in the country in recent weeks. The violent arrest of a number of activists from the Welkait ethnic group on 14 July has given rise, within the space of just a few weeks, to a more significant protest movement whose end is not yet foreseeable.

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Reconstructing the Songs of Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy

Human Rights Commissioner on unrest in Ethiopia

Bärbel Kofler, Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Policy and Humanitarian Aid at the Federal Foreign Office, issued the following statement today (17 August):

Zusatzinformationen

It is with great concern that I have been following the news of unrest in Ethiopia, which has now spread from the Oromia to the Amhara region and to Addis Ababa and culminated most recently in a weekend of violence in the course of which some 50 people were killed in clashes with security forces. I call on all the parties involved to enter into an inclusive dialogue and to refrain unconditionally from further violence. I would like to offer the victims’ families my condolences and to wish those who have been injured a speedy recovery.

Rights guaranteed by the Ethiopian constitution such as the freedom of expression and of peaceful assembly must be protected. Steps taken by the security forces during demonstrations must not violate the principle of proportionality.

I firmly believe that the redistribution of land for development and investment purposes, as well as the reorganisation of administrative districts, must proceed in a participatory, transparent and socially acceptable manner. It is important to take the legitimate demands of ethnic groups and opposition forces into account in this process. All sections of the population must benefit from the economic progress achieved in Ethiopia in equal measure. I therefore call on the Government to enter into a constructive dialogue with the entire population while drawing on local forces and strengthening federal structures. This is the only way to calm the situation and to ensure peace in the long term.

Background information

Since November 2015, there have been repeated demonstrations and protests in the Oromia, and now also the Amhara region against the central government and the structural discrimination of the provinces and their ethnic populations. The Ethiopian Government has responded to this with censorship, intimidation and violence on the part of the security forces. As was the case in previous protests, the Government first blocked social media and news services before shutting down the whole of the Internet across the country.

There are no confirmed figures for the number of victims. However, it is safe to assume that several hundred people were killed from November 2015 to May 2016 (more than 400 according to Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch). The Ethiopian Government has not confirmed these figures.

Alongside the turbulent region of Oromia, Gondar (in the Amhara region) has become a further trouble spot in the country in recent weeks. The violent arrest of a number of activists from the Welkait ethnic group on 14 July has given rise, within the space of just a few weeks, to a more significant protest movement whose end is not yet foreseeable.

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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w-tALWHHUaE

Federal Foreign Office spokesperson on the situation in Yemen

A Federal Foreign Office Spokesperson issued the following statement today (17 August) on reports of an air strike on a Doctors Without Borders hospital in northeastern Yemen and of a rocket attack on the city of Najran in southern Saudi Arabia:

“We are greatly concerned by the fresh increase in violence in Yemen and shocked by reports that a hospital has been bombed in the Hajjah Governorate in northeastern Yemen. We call for this matter to be investigated with all due speed. Moreover, we were appalled by reports of a further rocket attack on the city of Najran in southern Saudi Arabia. We condemn these attacks and call on those responsible to end the violence immediately.

The civilian victims of hostilities on both sides remind us that there can be no military solution to the Yemeni crisis. The parties to the conflict must return swiftly to a negotiation process under the auspices of the United Nations and refrain from all measures that could disrupt the continuation of these talks.”

Background information:

According to the aid organisation Doctors Without Borders, at least 14 people are thought to have been killed and many injured in an air strike carried out by the Saudi-led coalition on a hospital in Abs in the northeast of the country. Seven people were killed by a rocket attack, attributed to Huthi insurgents, on the city of Najran in southern Saudi Arabia, according to reports by Saudi media. After three and a half months, UN-led Yemeni peace talks in Kuwait ceased on 6 August without reaching an agreement. Hostilities have since recommenced.

from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160817_YEM.html?nn=479796

10 Best Places to Visit in Brazil - Brazil Travel Guide

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Speech by Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier at Ural Federal University in Yekaterinburg

Foreign Minister, my dear Sergey,

Rector Koksharov,
Students,

Yekaterinburg University is a special place for me.

It is great to be back in Yekaterinburg! This is the sixth time you have invited me to give a lecture at Boris Yeltsin University, which is one of the most renowned universities in Russia – and a very special place for me personally.

Rector Koksharov, six years ago, in December 2010, you awarded me an honorary doctorate on behalf of this University. I was not only greatly honoured to receive this award – I also saw it as a sign at the time. I saw it as a sign of a new departure in German-Russian relations; a sign of encouragement for a partnership between our countries, not just on the political level, but also and in particular between universities and schools, associations and civil society organisations, and towns and regions – in the final analysis, a partnership based on the ties between you and me, between the people of our two countries.

To this day, I regard the honorary doctorate from your University as a huge compliment. It is important to me to return here regularly and to talk with you, the students. Over the years, Yekaterinburg has come to stand for how I personally see Russia and German-Russian relations. It is a place of dialogue and shared reflection. And to a certain extent, it also serves as a gauge of our relations. Eight years ago, in 2008, I presented the concept for a German-Russian partnership for modernisation here. It was drawn up in spirit of great optimism and high hopes for collaboration in many practical areas, ranging from energy supply and the modernisation of industrial infrastructure to demographic issues and the health system. There is no doubt that one hope of this initiative was to achieve a closer partnership in even more fundamental matters – democracy, the rule of law and shared responsibility in the world – by working together on practical issues. We worked on this in the following years and we got some projects off the ground. However, we must admit that many – indeed, most – of these hopes were not met. And I do not want to hide the fact that I am disappointed about that. If Yekaterinburg is a gauge of our relations, then this goes both for the highs and the lows in German-Russian relations. The last time I was here, in December 2014, was my first visit following the annexation of Crimea by Russia, in the midst of the escalating Ukraine crisis – a low point in our relations whose impact we have still not overcome. 

But none of this is a reason to turn our backs on each other. On the contrary, it is all the more reason to do our utmost not to lose sight of each other or even to become estranged, but rather to seek dialogue, even if it has become more difficult, and to maintain this dialogue sincerely, respectfully, critically and, above all, with a focus on solutions.

This is why I was happy to come here again to speak to and with you. Away from the hustle and bustle of crisis meetings, which currently dominate the agendas of us foreign ministers, I want to take the time to speak in somewhat greater detail with you about the relations between our countries, Germany and Russia, and to do so in the context of a world that – as our two countries agree – is becoming increasingly unclear and complex and unfortunately also increasingly dangerous and conflict-ridden.

I want to start by posing a fundamental, and perhaps even provocative, question: can we actually read?

I see that some of you are now looking at the person beside you and asking if I really just asked that question here at a university. I am fully aware that the ability to read is one of the essential requirements at a university. That is the case in Germany and it is no different in Russia. However, I am talking about something else: can we read each other? In German, that means are we capable of listening to other people, communicating effectively with each other and correctly interpreting the signals other people send? To put it briefly, are we able to understand each other?

This reading does not only involve the other person, but also the lenses through which we read that person. These lenses are shaped by our own experiences, opinions, prejudices, background, culture, dreams and traumas. This means that the ability to read is anything but trivial. But is is of the utmost importance, particularly in a world of increasing physical and media mobility; a world that is growing closer; a world in which societies, cultures and traditions are being thrown together virtually unchecked. I would like to mention just one example from my own field of foreign policy. There are often problems in this field, too. We read each other badly. Either we don’t read each other at all and merely swap stereotypes instead or we unthinkingly and often mistakenly fall for the belief that our point of view and our signals have been understood correctly by the other side.

I believe that this also applies to German-Russian relations. It is often not easy to filter out the correct signal from the large number of simultaneous signals. Which statements are meant rhetorically and which are meant literally? For example, some Russian experts say we should have foreseen the events and conflict in Georgia in 2008 after the dramatic speech by the Russian President in Munich the previous year. At the same time, they say we should not take every dramatic and exaggerated statement made in Russia on the security situation literally. So what should we take literally? And what should we see as rhetoric? When should we be worried and when should we remain calm? Let us take Syria as an example. Russia’s military intervention came as a surprise to the West. We weren’t able to gauge the aims, means (observers or combat units) or weapons.  Or let us look at Crimea. At the start, the talk was of “local self-defence forces”; later on, the “little green men” appeared, and later still we heard that special forces had also been deployed. 

I know that these are very direct and very concrete examples. However, I think it is important to ask these questions honestly. And I am certain that conversely, the Russian side also has questions it would like to ask of German or European foreign policy. I have come here today so that we can ask each other such questions openly. We should trust in each other to do that. And we should also trust in our ability to question ourselves. You are also welcome to ask me questions today. You can ask me what German policy means or what signals is the West sending. 

This is important. It is better to ask something again so you can read correctly than not to ask at all and then to misread something or someone. That is the case at university and it is no different in politics. After all, both sides must have an interest in avoiding misunderstandings, especially in security policy and in these tense times, where misunderstandings can quickly lead to overly hasty decisions. We must be willing to prevent such misunderstandings by maintaining our dialogue with each other. This means that before one is able to read, one must want to read. One must want to understand. 

I am concerned that our interest in each other is declining on both the German and the Russian side. In political discussions, we sometimes hear opinions expressed by people who are not interested in the slightest in understanding others; people who have already made up their minds about the other side; people who don’t even bother reading because they think they already know the answer. Particularly now, at a time when there are many serious problems at the political level between Russia and the West, I think this is extremely dangerous – as if conflicts or escalations only serve to confirm supposedly absolute truths, that is, the antagonism of the West towards Russia. You find such opinions both in Russia and the West. And I think both are wrong. Politics should never move in categories of absolute certainties – by doing so, it would condemn itself to failure or make itself superfluous. And if the aim of foreign policy is to resolve conflicts and preserve peace, then this supposed antagonism between the West and Russia must never be allowed to become a category, let alone an ideology.

I am also concerned that the willingness to read and the interest in each other is declining at the level of society. This literally starts with reading, when one learns the other country’s language. Over a million young Russian are learning German. This makes German the second most studied foreign language in your country after English. However, the numbers are declining. I hope we can consolidate and expand the interest in learning each other’s language in our two countries. To this end, we launched the German-Russian Language Year two years ago. The introduction of a compulsory second foreign language at upper secondary level last year has provided new opportunities to learn German. We should make use of these opportunities. 

I am also worried about something else. The number of young Germans and Russians who took part in a school exchange last year fell from 11,000 to 7,000, and in this Year of German and Russian Youth, the figures are by no means as high as we would like. No doubt there are many reasons for this, but one reason is the loss of trust, unfortunately also on the level of society. This must motivate us to put our heads together. Lost trust must be a reason to speak more, not less, with each other – a reason to ask how we actually see each other and the world around us. Why do we allow a lack of knowledge and mistaken perception to influence our image of each other? 

One person should serve as an example to us, someone who helped to foster understanding between Germans and Russians throughout his life. His name was Lev Kopelev. He was born in Kyiv in 1912 and fought for the Red Army in the Second World War. After the war, he lived in Moscow, later moving to Cologne.  No other person has studied the images that Russians and Germans have of each other as thoroughly as Lev Kopelev. In his most important study, the Wuppertal Project, he describes the chequered history of the image of Russia in Germany and vice versa from the beginning. His study comprises ten volumes and covers 1,000 years of history. No one else has ever tried to read the “Other” in such detail, to explore the full range of views, fears, hopes and contradictions. I think we should follow in Lev Kopelev’s footsteps. I don’t mean you should also write ten books – I’m sure you already have enough to do! But I do think we should retain our curiosity about each other and the courage to approach each other and to ask each other questions, including critical questions. After all, one of Lev Kopelev’s firm beliefs was that how others see us allows us to see ourselves. It was no coincidence that he called his study “Western-Eastern Reflections”. 

It is time to update these reflections. A survey by the Hamburg-based Körber Foundation helped to do so by asking Germans and Russians about how they saw each other and themselves at the start of the year. The good news is that there is still a great deal of mutual respect and willingness to work together among both Russians and Germans. Ninety-five percent of Germans regard Russia as a country with long-standing traditions and a great culture. For their part, 86 percent of Russians see Germany in this way. An equally high percentage of people is in favour of Russia and the EU becoming closer once again on the political level in the coming years. And I can assure you that I also belong to this group! 

However, the findings were very different as regards whether or not Russia is a part of Europe. Fifty percent of both the Germans and the Russians surveyed stated that Russia does not belong to Europe. The number of those who do not see Russia as a part of Europe has grown in Russia. In 2008, only a third of those surveyed – not half – saw Russia as being outside Europe. The data from this survey give us a certain insight into how we see ourselves and the other side. But they are only a small part of the picture. The way we see ourselves and others is a result of countless perceptions and viewpoints, and the latter are not static. That is why Lev Kopelev was able to fill ten volumes! We need to be curious and we need to ask each other questions in order to combine these many viewpoints. I have brought along a list of questions I would like to ask here today and I am certain that you students will also have your own questions. We should ask these questions honestly and show how and where we see things differently. 

First of all, I have questions about our recent history, about the order by which we live or want to live. When we think about 1989-1990 and the following years, many Germans and Russians have very different associations. We Germans remember our country’s reunification and the great moment when all CSCE participating States, including Russia, signed the Charter of Paris in 1990, with the aim of overcoming the division of Europe and ending the age of confrontation. 

That is how we think. But for their part, many Russians remember the collapse of the Soviet Union, which, in hindsight, is regarded by many not as a liberation, but rather as a disaster, as a trauma that continues to have an impact to this day. Many Russians ask “Weren’t the 1990s a time of political uncertainty, economic decline and shattered dreams in Russia?” Many Germans ask “Didn’t the end of the Soviet Union primarily spell the end of a system of oppression and a lack of opportunities both for the individual and for the economy as a whole?” But at the same time, we Germans need to ask ourselves self-critically if we saw the 1990s too globally as a time of freedom or even democracy and if we are ignoring the negative effects of a completely unregulated transition from a planned to a competitive economy – especially the radical privatisation of state assets and companies in the former Soviet Union, including the transfer of capital to privately held foreign bank accounts. Weren’t we in the West sometimes too quick to see cases of ruthless personal gain to the detriment of society as a necessary side effect of a free market economy? Did we perhaps overlook that individual freedom needs to go hand in hand with the use of freedom for something, for a more equitable society, for educational opportunities, for responsibility for the community? 

These are difficult questions. And of course, there are similarly difficult questions as regards security. In the 1990s, there were terrible conflicts, for example in the Balkans, but at the same time, many European countries moved towards democracy and prosperity, in some cases doing so independently and without outside interference for the first time in their history. But here in Russia, many people wonder if they should see the accession of so many countries to the EU and above all to NATO as a threat. In 1997, we signed the NATO-Russia Founding Act and set up the NATO-Russia Council with the express aim of diminishing the feeling of mutual threat. However, we need to ask ourselves if we – and I mean both sides – truly breathed life into this Council by setting up concrete confidence-building projects or if we simply looked after the administrative side. I certainly advocate making use of the opportunities afforded by the NATO-Russia Council, particularly in difficult times. At the most recent NATO summit in Warsaw, this was reiterated as a political responsibility, and the NATO-Russia Council met again after the summit, at least at ambassador level. 

There are also great differences as regards recent history and the question of where and when the fractures in international relations that fundamentally changed our relations occurred. 

Many people in Russia ask “What about the intervention in Kosovo in 1999 and the West’s military activities in Libya?” In the West, many people ask “What happened in 2014? How could Russia, a State signatory to the Helsinki Final Act and a permanent member of the UN Security Council, flagrantly violate another country’s sovereignty in Crimea and eastern Ukraine?” 

We need to ask ourselves if we accept the rules of a peaceful order, which we ourselves set up, in order to overcome the centuries-long logic of confrontation. Do we respect and protect other countries’ equality and sovereignty and do we only agree to borders being changed on the basis of people’s right to self-determination when such changes are made in accordance with international law? I would like to answer these questions in the affirmative. And I would like Russia – as a permanent member of the UN Security Council and the largest multi-ethnic country in the world – to also answer them in the affirmative. 

While we are on the subject of state sovereignty, we also need to ask the following question: if countries are sovereign, how are the rights of minorities within these countries protected? Some people in Russia asked “If the Russian-speaking population in Ukraine was in danger after the upheaval of 2014, didn’t we have to protect them?” If the majority of people in Russia answer that question with “yes”, isn’t it understandable that other countries with Russian-speaking minorities, for example the Baltic countries, are now also worried and asking themselves what might happen? Our position on this is that the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention do not allow a country to style itself as a protector of ethnic groups in another country. But conversely, a country’s sovereignty has clear limitations. As regards the individual, these limitations are laid down in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and can even lead to an international responsibility to protect if they are not respected. If countries demand that other countries respect their sovereignty, then they must ensure that the rights of the people within their borders are protected. That is precisely what we told our partners in Ukraine, for example when we were discussing Russian language rights. I believe we must demand that every country, as a member of the international community, respects the rights of all of its citizens – and to that I would add particularly in this world, in which people are becoming increasingly mobile and societies are becoming ever more diverse. And if this were not the case, if this responsibility disappeared, wouldn’t that be very problematic for a multi-ethnic country like Russia in particular? 

This brings me to the third area where it is worth asking each other questions. How should societies live together today? What values are important to us in our democracy? How do we deal with immigration and growing diversity? Is this an opportunity for our society – or a threat to it? 

I know that many people in Russia have been following the German Government’s refugee policy and asking how we in Germany are planning to take in and integrate so many people. Some are even asking if this will lead to the end of our democracy. 

We are not naive. We also have to answer similar and other questions in Germany. Our principle remains as follows: people seeking refuge from war and violence have a right to protection. This has often been the case in history, for example in the 17th century, when the Huguenots had to flee France, and in the early 1920s, when several million Russians fled to the West from the civil war. And it is the case today. This is a question of humanity – and everyone should do what they can to help. 

But how to deal with the refugee situation is not the only question. We also need to look at the reasons why people flee. We need to ask ourselves, both in Germany and Russia,  what responsibility we have to put a stop to the deprivation and violence that forces so many people to flee. Obviously, I am thinking about Syria. I firmly believe that we can only end this terrible conflict by working together. Russia has a particular responsibility here, especially now in Aleppo, as regards the ceasefire and humanitarian access. The situation in Aleppo is unbearable for the people there. We need a ceasefire so that the local population can be supplied with essential goods. 

But looking beyond that, when a period of reconstruction finally starts in Syria, then Germany and Russia in particular should work hand in hand in Palmyra, Aleppo and Homs, to name just a few examples. I firmly believe that if we take on joint responsibility for humanity’s cultural heritage in this crisis-ridden region, then we will also be doing something to foster cultural ties between our two countries. On the German side, we have pooled our expertise in the Stunde Null (New Start) project, and I would be delighted if Russia accepted our offer to work together. 

At the start of my talk, I said that those who want to read and understand each other must ask themselves and each other questions. This is what I have done today, and I hope you will ask many other questions in the discussion after my talk. One thing is certain – we will not answer all of the questions today. This is why I would ask you to see my speech as an invitation to an ongoing dialogue. The questions we are touching on today show how different our perceptions are and how urgently we need to improve our mutual reading skills. 

This is why I advocate dialogue, that is, a two-track dialogue on what binds and divides us. 

My hope is that we will learn how to read each other better through this type of dialogue. And at the start, readers have many questions – and not so many answers. 

Lev Kopelev and his team also began their work on understanding with questions. The title of a wonderful book published in 1981 by Lev Kopelev and the German author Heinrich Böll poses one of the most difficult and fateful questions in German-Russian relations. The book is called “Why Did We Shoot at Each Other?” 

During the Second World War, Lev Kopelev fought in the Red Army against the Wehrmacht. Heinrich Böll fought in the Wehrmacht against the Red Army. A few years after the war, they met and became close friends. Heinrich Böll invited Kopelev and his wife Raissa to Cologne, where they lived until their deaths. The story of this friendship serves as a warning, but also offers a message of hope. It is a warning against the extremes found in German-Russian relations. And at the same time, it is a message of hope for understanding, which was possible then and – I am certain of this – also possible today. 

Despite all the difficulties between our countries, this is why we must approach each other and make use of the channels we have, such as the Petersburg dialogue or the summer school that is about to start here. This summer school is an encouraging example of how the young generation of Germans and Russians is meeting. We need to find common ground and we need to work together. This applies as much to the big issues – war and peace, Ukraine and Syria – as it does to relations between the people in our two countries. We from the older generation are counting on the will and readiness of the younger generation to take on responsibility. Please remain curious about each other’s country and work towards a good future in German-Russian relations. That is what I ask of you. Thank you very much. 

from
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