Thursday, June 30, 2016

Press release: Embassy Opens Visa Application Centre

The UK Visa Application Centre will open to customers on 7 July, offering greater flexibility and a wider range of services to customers, including:

• longer opening hours and more daily appointments; • the option for digital assistance to help customers complete the online application form; • the option for document checking services to ensure an application is complete before it is submitted; • the option (from August) for walk-in, out of hours and large group appointments; • and (from 30 September) all passports to remain within Peru, with the option for applicants to retain their passport while their visa is being processed.

The online visa application process will not change and the visa price and processing speed will remain the same. There will be a fee for some additional services (eg document checking service).

Commenting on the change, Consul General Dominic Williams said: “We are delighted to be opening a new Visa Application Centre. We hope that the new services offered will make the visa process simpler and encourage even more Peruvian nationals to visit the UK.”

All visa customers will submit their supporting documents and biometric data at the UK Visa Application Centre from 7 July. The Centre is co-located with the Canadian and Irish Visa Application Centres at Pasaje Martir Olaya 129, Oficina 1301, Miraflores, Lima.

Peruvian nationals wishing to travel to the UK can apply for a visa up to 3 months before they travel. The UK government aims to process 100% of non-settlement applications within 15 working days and 100% of settlement applications within 60 working days. In 2015, 95.4% of applications received from Peruvian nationals were approved.



from
https://www.gov.uk/government/news/embassy-opens-visa-application-centre

Tackling and tracking TB through DNA analysis

The new UK Visa Application Centre at Pasaje Martir Olaya 129, Oficina 1301, Miraflores, Lima will offer customers an expanded range of services.

from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6dkaeg6_oiM

Understanding and improving children's lives in Ethiopia, India, Peru and Vietnam



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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wPMsAQCS3SU

A dating website for men who want more than one

Second Wife is a dating website launched recently in the UK to help polygamous Muslim men looking for a second, third or fourth wife. The ...

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http://www.west-info.eu/a-dating-website-for-men-who-want-more-than-one/

EU citizens living in the UK, what does Brexit mean for you?

EU Citizens

1. Do EU citizens have a right to live and work in the UK post EU referendum results?

The rules governing the rights of EU citizens who reside in the UK legally currently remain in place.


2. How long will it take until the United Kingdom becomes Independent?

New UK rules and processes will need to be established in order to replace the EU rules and current trade agreements. Funding for this process will need to be provided to ensure the transition out of Europe is handled appropriately. It is anticipated our exit from the EU will take up to 2 years until the United Kingdom becomes Independent.


3. Will there be any implications for people working or studying in the United Kingdom?

The UK will remain a European state until Article 50 has been processed, which may take up to 2 years. It is likely Article 50 will be submitted in October when a new Prime Minister is elected.

4. What does this mean for European Citizens who want to remain in the UK?

Anyone who is currently residing in the UK under the EU rules will be permitted to stay. However those who decide to come to the UK after the transition may do so under a new set of UK Immigration rules.


5. How do I know whether I am eligible for Permanent Residency?

Under the current rules, EU citizens who have been exercising their treaty rights, living & working in the UK for a period of 5 years may be eligible to apply for Permanent Residency otherwise known as Settlement.


6. How long will it take to apply for British citizenship?

After you have been in the UK for a period of 5 years and you hold Permanent Residency for a full year and providing you meet the other eligibility requirements such as the Knowledge of Language and Life in the UK (KOLL) you may be eligible to apply for Citizenship.


7. Where can I get advice for making an application for Permanent Residency?
Information on the transition out of the EU and what this means for EU Migrants living in the UK is limited. Therefore we do advise everyone to keep up to date with the changes as they come about. If you intend to start an application immediately, please seek advice from a regulated Immigration adviser. You can find a list of Immigration advisers from the UK Visas and Immigration website.


Need our assistance?

For Permanent Residency requirements please click here

For UK Citizenship requirements please click here

Otherwise please contact us


 

The post EU citizens living in the UK, what does Brexit mean for you? appeared first on The Visa Office.



from
http://www.visa-office.com/citizenship-uk/

A huge step toward ending #OscarsSoWhite

The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences has just announced its incoming class for 2016: 683 active actors, directors, writers and other Hollywood operators ...

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http://www.west-info.eu/a-huge-step-toward-ending-oscarssowhite/

Human Rights Commissioner concerned at prosecution of Valentina Cherevatenko

Human Rights Commissioner concerned at prosecution of Valentina Cherevatenko

Bärbel Kofler, the Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Policy and Humanitarian Aid at the Federal Foreign Office, issued the following statement today (30 June 2016) on the action being taken by the Russian authorities against Valentina Cherevatenko, human rights activist and head of the NGO Union of Women of the Don:

“The prosecution of Ms Cherevatenko is cause for serious concern. Prosecuting individual representatives of civil society is a further step by the Russian authorities to curtail the activities of civil‑society organisations.

As a member of the Council of Europe, Russia must fully guarantee human rights standards. These standards are enshrined in the Russian constitution. I therefore call on the Russian Government to support rather than punish people’s active involvement in civil society and international cooperation. Restrictive laws coupled with selective enforcement create uncertainty and erode trust.”

Background information:

Proceedings were started on 22 June to prosecute Valentina Cherevatenko, head of the NGO Union of Women of the Don, the first case to be brought under ‘foreign agents’ legislation (Article 330.1 of the Russian Criminal Code). Ms Cherevatenko was not informed of this until 27 June. If convicted, she may face a fine or a prison sentence of up to two years. Previously, after being removed from the ‘agents’ register kept by the Russian Justice Ministry in April of this year, her NGO had had its premises searched and a number of documents and computers seized. This happened after Cherevatenko visited the Ukrainian army pilot Nadiya Savchenko, formerly imprisoned in Novocherkassk. Cherevatenko takes part in the civil society working group of the Petersburg dialogue. A German partner organisation has secured Eastern Partnership funding for a Ukranian‑Russian dialogue project which the NGO Union of Women of the Don is supposed to help implement.



from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160630_MRHH_B_Tscherewatenko.html?nn=479796

Illegal immigrants can’t be repatriated if seriously ill

An illegal immigrant who has had an operation to remove cancer cannot be expelled. Italy's Court of Cassation has upheld the appeal of a Peruvian ...

from
http://www.west-info.eu/illegal-immigrants-cant-be-repatriated-if-seriously-ill/

Wednesday, June 29, 2016

Witnesses in niqabs don’t fool judges

To find out if a witness in court is lying, they should be asked to wear a niqab. Because, according to a large international study, ...

from
http://www.west-info.eu/witnesses-in-niqabs-dont-fool-judges/

Foreigners acquiring Italian citizenship on the increase

The number of persons who acquire Italian citizenship is on the increase. During 2015 they were 178,000: + 37% over the previous year. To be ...

from
http://www.west-info.eu/foreigners-acquiring-italian-citizenship-on-the-increase/

Improving Access to Psychological Therapies: Using evidence to change policy

The number of persons who acquire Italian citizenship is on the increase. During 2015 they were 178,000: + 37% over the previous year. To be noted that 37% of the total was composed of people aged under 18 years. Theaaa

from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KwZfee2erkw

Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the explosions in Turkey

Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the explosions in Turkey

Foreign Minister Steinmeier made the following comments during a breaking of the fast in Berlin with Christians, Jews and Muslims (28 June):

Zusatzinformationen

I am deeply shocked by the news from Istanbul. Although the background is still unclear, everything seems to indicate that this was a renewed terrorist attack in the Turkish metropolis. We mourn the victims and share the grief of their relatives. We stand shoulder to shoulder with Turkey. Particularly at this time, our thoughts are with the people of that country.




from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160628_BM_Explosionen_T%C3%BCrkei.html?nn=479796

Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy for the European Union

Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy for the European Union

Foreign Minister Steinmeier issued the following statement today (28 June):

Zusatzinformationen

I would like to thank Federica Mogherini for her great commitment and foresight in the joint development of the Global Strategy.

Europe is sending a clear signal with this new security strategy. At a time when crises and conflicts are flaring up all around the European Union, we have created a solid foundation and a common strategic approach for our European foreign and security policy.

I am delighted that this strategy also includes core elements of Germany’s policy for peace, including an active commitment to a rules‑based international order and the need for stabilisation in our efforts to tackle crises and conflicts.

Now it is time to look to the future. The Global Strategy’s many operational considerations must now be fleshed out and implemented. This is a task that we will need to attend to the coming months.

Background information:

Federica Mogherini, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, will present the Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy for the European Union at the European Council today.



from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160628-GASP.html?nn=479796

Speech by Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier at the Dialogue on Europe Conference

Speech by Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier at the Dialogue on Europe Conference

Ladies and gentlemen,

Let me begin by welcoming you all this afternoon – the excellent team of organisers from the Progressive Zentrum, our honoured guests from all over Europe –

Welcome to the Federal Foreign Office!

As we know, when your conference takes a long time to plan, you can be very lucky – or you might not. It may be that the subject matter, highly topical during the planning process, is already old hat by the time your event starts. Or the opposite may happen: it could be that when you started organising the thing, noone could have predicted how perfect the choice of topic would later prove.

And now, sadly – and I really do mean ‘sadly’ – I think we all agree that there could hardly be a more fitting moment to consider the future of Europe.

Last Thursday, the people of the United Kingdom made a majority decision to leave the European Union. That decision has to be accepted and respected, but it is a bitter day for the EU as a whole.

The task now is to find a swift solution to manage the UK’s departure that all parties find appropriate. We cannot afford to stay in limbo. I expect that the roadmap will be cleared up soon.

But this is not just about Britain; it’s about Europe. In the aftermath of this referendum, we mustn’t delude ourselves into thinking that things in Europe will just carry on as normal for the 28 members minus one.

The European Union is losing not only a member state in Britain but also a wealth of history, tradition and experience. This is at a time when our European project is having to navigate difficult waters. The financial crisis is not yet behind us, and we are facing a refugee crisis to which we have still not found convincing common answers.

As I see it, three things are vital now.

Firstly, we need to take a stand. European unification remains the touchstone of our policymaking. And there is every reason to be proud of what has been achieved. Under the roof of the European Union, Western and Eastern Europe have been reunited and we are enjoying the longest period of peace our continent has known in modern times. Not only because it says so in the treaties but also because it remains the right thing to do, we politicians have a duty to create the conditions for the nations of Europe to pursue ever closer union.

Secondly, we need to hold Europe together. Germany in particular has a special responsibility to help make sure that the EU remains united. This means listening to one another, tolerating different points of view and, from time to time, arguing about what we should do.

That’s why I not only joined my friend and French opposite number for a meeting of the EU founding members on Saturday but also talked to the Baltic states on Saturday and met the Visegrad group countries in Prague yesterday.

Thirdly, we have to be honest. If we want both objectives – continuation of European integration and maintenance of European unity – then we need to be more flexible. Wanting to pursue further integration more slowly than we do doesn’t make anyone less of a European. At the same time, we want to be able to go ahead in those areas where we believe joint solutions are urgently needed.

What can we do now? Simply calling for more Europe cannot be an adequate answer, and nor can a phase of mere reflection. People’s problems are real, and they look to their politicians with real expectations, so Europe needs to deliver real solutions. 

We have to concentrate our common policymaking strictly on those challenges which can only be met with common European responses.

Together with my French counterpart, I have proposed ways in which we can make European progress in three areas that we feel ought to be Europe’s core tasks:

continuing to develop our common foreign and security policy; developing a real European refugee policy and promoting growth and deepening our economic and monetary union.

Ladies and gentlemen,

What kind of Europe do WE want? That’s the central question you have formulated.

You have already heard some of my ideas and convictions. What I consider particularly important, however, is that we understand that ‘WE’ correctly. We need to be very clear on one thing, especially in the difficult times Europe is going through: Europe is not an anonymous project. This project doesn’t belong to institutions or elites; it belongs to the people of Europe.

The responsibility for building and running Europe lies with politicians. That is truer than ever in times of crisis. But the ongoing process of European integration has to manifest itself in concrete projects that benefit and engage the people. That is the only way to regain the trust Europe has lost.

This dialogue, this readiness to listen and accept differing expectations with regard to Europe, has at times been somewhat left by the wayside in the past.

I am therefore here today primarily to listen to what you have to say, hear your ideas and find out what you, tomorrow’s Europeans, want from tomorrow’s Europe.

All of you dedicated volunteers have already invested lots of time and effort in this project. This event may be called the opening conference, but in reality it follows on from a whole series of preparatory town hall meetings in Athens, Lisbon, Rome, Marseilles and Madrid. At those meetings, you discussed the important topics of social cohesion, sustainable growth, populism, migration and integration.

Let me tell you that your efforts are appreciated – most especially those of the Progressive Zentrum and its European partners, and urge you to keep up the good work. Your outstanding dedication to Europe demonstrates the optimism and courage required to prevent yourselves being dragged down into the current atmosphere of crisis. Now more than ever, Europe needs you – our young Europeans – to spark new fresh ideas.

I have been given a few hints about what we can look forward to today. Ms Theodorou from Greece will share her impressions of migration from the point of a transit country. Ms Coman from Italy and Romania will remind us of the importance of civil liberties for a successful future. I am also excited to hear what Ms Alali from France has to say about diversity and how Ms Manés from Spain sees certain issues of education and a social Europe. She will be followed by Mr Rosa from Portugal, the only man in the lineup, who will close the day with a talk on social mobility.

I am very much looking forward to engaging in discussion with the five of you later on. Right now, however, I am very excited to hear what is on your minds, what elements of Europe you feel strongly about – and what kind of Europe you want.

Thank you very much.



from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Reden/2016/160628_BM_Dialogue_on_Europe.html?nn=479796

Speech by Foreign Minister Steinmeier at the celebration of the breaking of the fast in Villa Borsig hosted by Minister of State Aydan Özoğuz

Speech by Foreign Minister Steinmeier at the celebration of the breaking of the fast in Villa Borsig hosted by Minister of State Aydan Özoğuz

Ladies and gentlemen,

According to the Prophet, God said: “Among my servants, the ones I love most are those who break their fast quickly.”

We’re more than happy to act in line with that sentiment. However, I still have a few minutes and I would first of all like to express my thanks for this invitation.

I always find it very special to take part in the breaking of the fast during Ramadan. Only a few days ago, I broke the fast here in Villa Borsig with my Iranian counterpart. But two very different Iftar evenings also left a lasting impression on me: celebrations in Milower Land in Brandenburg and in Berlin’s Moabit district, to which I had been invited by Syrian families. I’m delighted that these families are here this evening. Allow me to extend a warm welcome to you.

Just as you invited me to break the fast with you back then, I know that people are coming together all over Germany this month to celebrate Iftar together: Germans, Syrians, Christians, Muslims.

For many Germans, it may be the first time that they’ve taken part in a breaking of the fast. For many refugees, on the other hand, it’s the first time that they’ve had to mark Iftar so far from home.

During the Iftar celebration in Brandenburg, we spoke about how difficult that is. How great the yearning for home is – especially during the fast month of Ramadan, a time when everyone wants to be with their family.

I believe we have a shared responsibility, Aydan Özoğuz, to ensure that this longing for home doesn’t remain a longing. We want make returning home a realistic prospect.

That’s why we’re doing everything we can to find political solutions to the conflicts which force people to flee – be it in Syria, Iraq, Yemen or Libya.

The path to this goal is often anything but an easy one. However, I’m convinced that we must not give up, that we must not be put off by setbacks, if we are to make progress.

And, ladies and gentlemen, as we celebrate the Iftar here together – a celebration which brings people together – allow me to emphasise that we’ll only make progress in our quest for political solutions if we come together, if we seek to engage in dialogue with each other, if we work on joint solutions – especially when the going gets tough.

For me, Ramadan is a forceful reminder of this.

In Villa Borsig, we have found a place to celebrate the breaking of the fast which underscores this desire in a great way. For we’ve come together countless times during the last few months in this very house to try and defuse crises and open up political avenues. This is especially true in the case of Syria.

Believe you me, the French Foreign Minister now probably knows every duck in Lake Tegel personally – that’s how often he’s been here.

And I fear that when my Russian and Ukrainian colleagues see the venue “Villa Borsig” on an invitation card. then they get set for a long night.

This Villa is a place where diplomacy shows all its dramatic, as well as its mundane, sides. That means, for instance, that discussions are held in these armchairs until the sun rises on the other side of the lake. That means that a discussion can be so heated that one of the partners in the talks goes out on the terrace over there to take a deep breath. That means that a cigarette is sometimes lit during difficult negotiations despite the ban on smoking. That means – even more often – that heads end up spinning. That means that people want to give up because it seems that no progress is being made and then – time and again – they carry on after all.

That’s what this house stands for, ladies and gentlemen. It stands for dialogue and it stands for the hope that we can make progress together – even if it‘s only small steps.

***

The idea that we have to work together despite our differences to make the world a better place, is also a guiding principle of Islam.

It says in the Koran: “And had Allah so willed, He would surely have made you one single community; instead, (He gave each of you a Law and a way of life) in order to test you by what He gave you. Vie, then, one with another in good works. Unto Allah is the return of all of you; and He will then make you understand the truth concerning the matters on which you disagreed.”

Many of you, ladies and gentlemen, live by this principle in your day-to-day work. You seek to establish dialogue, to foster conversation, to build bridges – between Christians, Muslims, Jews, as well as between newcomers and established communities.

For this work, ladies and gentlemen, I want to thank you most sincerely.



from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Reden/2016/160629_BM_Fastenbrechen.html?nn=479796

Anti-migration barriers also harm animals

Fences at borders not only hinder the movement of people but also that of animals, jeopardising the future of wildlife. A Norwegian study conducted by ...

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http://www.west-info.eu/anti-migration-barriers-also-harm-animals/

Breaches and bridges – German foreign policy in turbulent times: Speech by Federal Foreign Minister Frank‑Walter Steinmeier

Breaches and bridges – German foreign policy in turbulent times: Speech by Federal Foreign Minister Frank‑Walter Steinmeier

Olaf,

Prof. Narlikar,

Ladies and gentlemen,

I have just come from the beautiful Speicherstadt, which has been listed as a UNESCO World Cultural Heritage site. I would once again like to convey to you, Olaf, and all the people of Hamburg here today, my sincere congratulations on this achievement! However, the title of my speech – breaches and bridges – has nothing to do with the Speicherstadt ... The Speicherstadt is a brick‑built reminder of why Hamburg is the gateway to the world for Germans. The history of the Hanseatic League, Hamburg’s port and the famous civic spirit of Hamburg’s citizens have a reputation that extends far beyond the city’s boundaries.

A lesser‑known fact, and wrongly so, is that here in Hamburg there is a concentration of academic expertise on central foreign and security policy issues that can be found hardly anywhere else in Germany. I am referring to the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, which celebrated its 50th anniversary two years ago. And I am also thinking of the Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg, the Institute for Theology and Peace, the Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker Centre for Science and Peace Research, the Max Planck Institute, the Körber Foundation, the Helmut Schmidt University and the Federal Armed Forces Command and Staff College – you get the idea. International expertise in Hamburg is considerable. Through research, teaching and advisory services, all these institutions help open doors to a world that seems increasingly complex and unpredictable.

“The world around us is changing more quickly than ever before. Those who want to understand it can’t just sit back and accept the certainties from yesterday.” Wise words – and they aren’t mine, or even from Helmut Schmidt. They come from the GIGA and were written for its anniversary. Professor Narlikar, I was very happy to accept your invitation to speak here today on German foreign policy in turbulent and uncertain times. And thank you, Olaf, for allowing us to use this wonderful hall for this purpose.

***

We live in turbulent times. After the end of the Cold War, we thought that the triumphant progress of peace, freedom and democracy would begin throughout the world. Some even wrote books about “the end of history”. Today we are realising that that wasn’t actually the case ... On the contrary, crises and conflicts are coming thick and fast, and liberal democracy seems to be on the wane in many places. That is no coincidence.

In 1989/1990, the old, cynical order of the Cold War collapsed – fortunately, in particular from our perspective as Germans. Yet since then, the world has failed to find a new order to replace it. Today we are witnessing the wrestling for a new order, the power struggles between old and new powers, between state and non‑state players with a host of interests, ambitions, ideologies. Much of what has become familiar to us over the past years and decades is breaking up – and so far we have not managed to put a stop to this process:

  • Through its annexation of Crimea and the destabilisation of eastern Ukraine, Russia broke with the post‑war order in Europe with which my generation grew up.
  • Syria, Iraq, Libya – not only are the conflicts moving closer to Europe, they have arrived in our midst – in the form of refugees and many thousands of people seeking protection from the trouble spots in the Middle East.
  • And there is more: the European Union is now also in the grip of crisis. On Thursday we had to witness something that hardly anyone had considered possible, or wanted to consider possible – I, too, hoped right up until the end that the outcome would be different. The United Kingdom, a major and decisive partner, will leave the European Union. The forces trying to pull Europe apart are huge.
  • And in the Brexit referendum – alongside its consequences for European policy – we must also recognise another dimension: the more complex the situation is, the louder the populist voices become. Whether we’re talking about Trump or right‑wing populists here in Europe, these are people who respond to the problems of an increasingly complex world with ready‑made, simplistic, black and white slogans claiming that “Cutting ourselves off is the best solution. Leave the world and its problems outside!” And as much as responsible policymakers know how wrong these answers are, we have to embrace the sad fact that these populists exert a strong pull on voters in our democracies, too.

What we are witnessing, at the end of the day, is a contradictory and confusing world. A world that on the one hand is growing ever more intertwined, but whose contrasts are colliding, unchecked, with ever more speed, on the other. We are witnessing a world in search of a new order, and I suspect this search will continue for a long time yet.

***

If this is the case, it must have consequences for our foreign policy activities. Germany, as a country which maintains close economic, political and social ties with the global community – some studies even describe it as the most highly connected country in the world – is particularly reliant on a functioning, peaceful and rules‑based international order. And since that is the case, we have to do all the more to preserve and develop this order.

The phrase, “Order must prevail” is often attributed to the Germans.

In itself it is a pretty meaningless statement – at least in foreign policy. Order is not an end in itself. Anyone who calls for order must define what kind of order and what goals we are working for. In our case the desired goals are peace – justice – innovation – partnership. Perhaps you have already noticed these key words on the banners in the foyer. I’ll explain towards the end of my speech what that means in the context of the United Nations.

***

These key words reflect our values. Yet at the same time those of us engaged in foreign policy need to recognise the values other players on the international stage are seeking in their concepts of order. Where are the regional, cultural and societal differences? What are the stories and narrative patterns, the dreams and traumas of societies, which define the political and social structures over and above the existing order?

After a long day at the last UN General Assembly, I was standing one evening with a foreign minister colleague outside our delegations’ hotel in Manhattan, and we watched a few members of my delegation who were just leaving the hotel, and my colleague said to me: “Frank‑Walter, I like you Germans really. Football, cars, beer ... But there’s one thing I don’t understand and I’ve always wanted to ask you about it: You Germans won’t cross the road when the light’s on red, even if there’s not a car in sight. I could never get my people to do that. And why should they?”

This might be a trivial little story, but the question behind it isn’t trivial: from where do orders, regulations, institutions derive their legitimacy and acceptance? In view of the upheaval and the calling into question of orders in this world – I only need to mention the dispute surrounding the South China Sea – awareness and debate of these kinds of fundamental and deep‑seated cultural differences will become increasingly important.

And whoever is willing to engage in this debate will soon realise that an order that seems good to us – and now I’m not just talking about pedestrian crossings – will often not be perceived as such by others.

Speaking in Berlin recently, Achille Mbembe, a renowned political scientist from Cameroon, put it like this: “Your order is our disorder.”

An openness for other perspectives, the willingness to understand and promote understanding is a crucial factor in foreign policy. This willingness to understand and promote understanding is, after all, one of the qualities that has given Germany an excellent reputation as a mediator in many conflicts.

Sometimes we are criticised for “understanding Russia”, “understanding Iran” – whatever fits at the time. I then have to ask myself what foreign policy is coming to if the desire to understand is perceived as an insult. Understanding doesn’t automatically mean agreeing with someone. But without understanding we cannot promote understanding!

As I see it, this means that greater attention needs to be paid to regional studies, such as those conducted by the GIGA on Africa, Latin America, Asia and the Middle East, in science, research and practice. That is why we are in the process of launching the Centre for East European and International Studies in Berlin to expand and deepen knowledge of this important region.

Professor Narlika, what you recently formulated as a tenet for the social sciences – a move away from western centricism to a true pluralism of methods and perspectives – applies in a similar way to foreign policy if our goal is to work towards reaching truly shared concepts of order.

*** 

Anyway, enough social science – what does that mean specifically for German foreign policy? It almost makes me think of that old joke: Two social scientists get together. One of them has developed a political theory and outlines it. The other one listens, has a think and then says: “Hm, that sounds as if it works in practice – but does it work in theory?”

In practical foreign policy, work on tomorrow’s order cannot be separated from today’s acute conflict resolution. For it is in conflict resolution and crisis prevention that we can put what we like to call “effective multilateralism” into practice and prove its worth. Look at the range of partners:

  • whether in the E3 plus 3 context on Iran,
  • the Normandy format with France on Ukraine,
  • in our current role as Chair of the OSCE, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe,
  • or in the International Contact Group on Syria, that brutal conflict that has been going on for far too long. I don’t need to explain to you how crucial it is to have Iran and Saudi Arabia around the negotiating table as proxy powers wrestling for hegemony.
  • And last but not least, consider the many facets of our engagement in the United Nations system: not only as one of the largest donors but also as a contributor to the United Nations peace missions. I have just been to Mali with my French colleague, where we are currently engaged in arduous work to stabilise the country and implement the inter‑Malian peace agreement under the auspices of the MINUSMA peace mission together with the Netherlands, Switzerland, Belgium, Denmark, Estonia and the Czech Republic.

***

Effective multilateralism is thus proving its worth in very concrete terms in current crises. Yet crisis management is not intended to be the focus of my address today, and believe you me: I’m quite happy to take a break from all the conflicts ... I would like to look further afield: to the long‑term challenges in a changing global order. I don’t primarily wish to talk about NATO or Russia. Rather, the upcoming powers in Asia, Latin America, Africa and the Arab world, which are also the focus of the GIGA’s research, are moving into our field of view.

Perhaps it is appropriate that today we are sitting in this wonderful hall, which automatically draws our gaze outwards into the wider world. Just take a look at the walls, where you can see the impressive paintings of Hugo Vogel – depicting Hamburg’s proud history from Christianisation to industrialisation. But there is one constant that runs through all the pictures: the blue thread of the Elbe river. This river draws our eyes away from the square outside the City Hall overseas to the emerging economies.

For it is they, first and foremost China,

  • who are increasingly calling into question regional balances of power and established rules – in the tensions surrounding the South China Sea this issue is becoming ominously clear, an issue in which the validity of international law and its institutions are painfully put to the test,
  • players who challenge international organisations and decision‑making mechanisms,
  • who demand reforms,
  • and who establish new organisations based on their own concepts of order.

Germany is perceived as an “honest broker” in foreign policy, and we are therefore a desirable partner for these players, not only with regard to business and culture, but also in the creation of new elements of the global order.

I see this wherever I travel. Whether in China, India, Brazil or recently in Mexico and Argentina. If from time to time it seems as if we are in a global competition where one country’s gain is another’s loss, that is too simplistic. There are many areas in which we can find joint solutions to conflicts and cooperate on building new structural elements.

Here are a few examples:

  • Digital technology: In 2014, together with Brazil, we tabled a resolution in the United Nations on Internet privacy – an important basis for the ongoing search for order in this largely unregulated space.
  • Migration: Together with Morocco we will assume the Chairmanship of the Global Forum on Migration and Development next year. Here the focus will be on exchange between countries of origin, transit and destination. We intend to discuss how migration can be organised fairly in a way that benefits all stakeholders. For one thing is clear: this topic is going to become even more relevant. Development of sustainable solutions is therefore also the focus of the Berlin Dialogue, which I have launched with heads of international organisations.
  • Climate protection: One driving force behind the adoption of the climate protection agreement last year were the numerous small island states, which are literally in deep water in light of rising sea levels. Germany is a key partner for them, for we play a pioneering role in climate diplomacy. This also applies to states that are rather more problematic in this area, such as China, India and the Gulf States, and for whom we are a popular discussion partner with regard to the shift to green energy and renewables.

***

However, it is also clear – and here we share the view of many partners from the South – that we will only be able to successfully tackle these questions and other major issues if the United Nations institutions do indeed reflect the world of the 21st century and not that of 1945. For this reason we are working with Brazil, India and Japan to bring about progress leading to a reform of the UN Security Council. And so we’re back to the legitimacy of an order: the global acceptance and future viability of the United Nations depends on how representative the international community considers its institutions to be.

***

You will have noticed that I am speaking at length about the significance and role of the United Nations as a global regulatory framework. That is no coincidence. Tomorrow a decision will be made in New York on which of our European partners will obtain a seat as non‑permanent members of the UN Security Council for the next two years. Italy, the Netherlands and Sweden are standing for the two seats available.

I would like to take this as an opportunity to announce officially that Germany, too, will be campaigning again for a seat in this organ. To be precise, as a non‑permanent member for 2019/2020. That means that in two years we, too, will stand for election by the UN General Assembly in New York. That still seems a good way off. But our campaign starts today and will get into full swing this autumn. So now you know what the posh banners in the foyer are about.

Peace – justice – innovation – partnership, they read. Those are the key words of our campaign for a seat on the Security Council.

We firmly believe that we need the United Nations and the Security Council more than ever in our efforts to promote peace in these troubled times.

And although the UN Security Council has increasingly been on the receiving end of criticism and is, unfortunately, blocked on occasions, it nonetheless remains the only body capable of adopting conflict prevention and peacekeeping measures that are binding in international law. Despite all scepticism, in the last year the Council has unanimously adopted 60 out of 63 resolutions. The Security Council is the central global crisis manager! In Africa particularly, UN peace missions are fostering stability, promoting reconciliation and protecting civilians. They are also doing an irreplaceable job in Israel and Lebanon. And the Security Council is the central forum for maintaining dialogue between the West and Russia and ensuring they retain their capacity to act, for example in the struggle to find a solution for Syria.

Yet even the Security Council is no longer merely concerned with traditional foreign and security policy. The Security Council now also debates the subjects of climate change, health, human rights, the rule of law and access to education – for they, too, are at the end of the day prerequisites for peace and security throughout the world. We want the Security Council to focus on the entire conflict cycle in its crisis management, from prevention and mediation to stabilisation and post‑conflict peacebuilding. This philosophy of pursuing a forward‑looking foreign policy is also behind the changes in German foreign policy in recent years. Some of you have followed the steps we have taken to establish a Directorate‑General for Crisis Prevention and Stabilisation at the Federal Foreign Office. Germany is contributing more civilian personnel, police officers and military forces to peace missions. And we are in the process of expanding the Center for International Peace Operations (ZIF) to make it a fully fledged sending organisation.

***

The next step in our approach is: long‑term peace is not possible without justice. Last year, with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the international community adopted what could be described as a global company agreement. It is intended to prepare what Willy Brandt called for as early as 1979 in the visionary report of the so‑called North‑South Commission: an order for peace and justice. For in a globalised world, there can be no justice without peace, and no sustainable peace without justice.

  • That is why we support the goals of the 2030 Agenda.
  • That is why we work to promote the rule of law. Justice comes before power. The International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, which is situated here in Hamburg, also, of course, pursues this goal.
  • And that is why international promotion of human rights is a key pillar of our foreign policy. And an integral part of our engagement in the United Nations! The violation of human rights is often an early warning of an imminent conflict. For this reason we are striving to foster closer cooperation between the Security Council in New York and the Human Rights Council in Geneva.

And if I can come back to Brandt, if peace and security on the one hand and sustainability, justice and distribution of resources on the other are globally interconnected, then I think we should focus our attention on the issue of justice and sustainability also in the context of our Chairmanship of the G20 in the coming year. That leads me to the third key word in our campaign: innovation. The highly developed G20 states in particular need to address the question of how we can use technological progress, digitisation, the quantum leap in renewable energies and environmental technologies that we have made through Germany’s shift to green energy – how we can use all that to drive economic and political ownership much further forward throughout the world, also in the global south. This is in our own interests in creating a more stable and secure world, but it is also a question of justice.

***

Finally, ladies and gentlemen, the fourth key word of our candidacy spans all these other aspects: partnership.

Willy Brandt said: “We want to be a people of good neighbours.” At that time, when he assumed office as Federal Chancellor, this statement applied primarily to our European neighbours – France, Poland, and all those who had experienced terrible suffering at the hands of Nazi Germany. Today, when men, women and children from Aleppo, Damascus and Erbil are seeking refuge with us and when the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development has formulated the goal of a “global partnership” between 190 member states, we can still say: “We Germans want to be a people of good neighbours”, but we ought now to add: “to those both near and far.” In this spirit I am campaigning for Germany’s candidacy for a seat on the Security Council for the 2019/2020 period and would be delighted if you were all to back us in this endeavour.



from
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Tuesday, June 28, 2016

They choose populism to avoid being horse meat

People are not like horses, said the great Nobel economics prize winner Wassily Leontief, more than 50 years ago, to his Harvard students. Because horses ...

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How many British entrepreneurs are there in Italy?

British entrepreneurs in Italy are more than 10 thousand. About the half of them hold the position of manager (56%). Trade (19%), manufacturing (10%) and ...

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Speech by Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier on the occasion of the presentation of the World Cultural Heritage Certificate for Hamburg’s Speicherstadt and the Kontorhaus district with the Chilehaus

Speech by Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier on the occasion of the presentation of the World Cultural Heritage Certificate for Hamburg’s Speicherstadt and the Kontorhaus district with the Chilehaus

Ladies and gentlemen,

I’m delighted to be here today, in the heart of Hamburg.

Red-brick gables; towers reflected in the canals; the hustle and bustle in the offices; the whiff of tea and coffee in the air, of cloves and pepper, the scents of the big wide world – Hamburg’s Speicherstadt and the Kontorhaus district with the Chilehaus are unique.

The wonderful buildings we see through the window epitomise the Hanseatic tradition of trade and commerce. They epitomise trade and change, an outward-looking approach and an openness to the world. The goods brought over the world’s seas to the port of Hamburg were stored and refined in the warehouses here. The adjacent Kontorhaus district developed into Europe’s first office quarter. We’ve just visited the Chilehaus designed by Fritz Höger, which is rightly described as an expressionist icon. And as we looked down from the rooftop terrace of the Chilehaus, it became very clear to us that if Hamburg is Germany’s gateway to the world, then this very area is the beautiful and breathtaking side of that gateway.

These buildings, ladies and gentlemen, symbolise your city’s openness to the world. Today it is being designated as the common heritage of humanity.

On that, Olaf and the people of Hamburg, I would like to congratulate you most sincerely!

***

The wonderful Speicherstadt and the Kontorhaus district are not just places to admire. Rather, they define our identity, for places like these heighten our awareness of our own history and of ourselves. They also help us to define our place and find our bearings in today’s world.

That’s why protecting these sites is so important. Moreover, that’s why the images of the brutal destruction of cultural heritage reaching us from the crisis regions in the Middle East and North Africa are so shocking. This destruction poses a very real threat to the future of humanity’s culture.

One example of this is the oasis town of Palmyra, which was in danger of being razed to the ground by Islamist hordes last year. Incidentally, Palmyra isn’t as far away from Hamburg as a glance at a map would suggest. For just like the people of Hamburg still today, the people of Palmyra were among the most renowned merchants in the late Antique period. Their town was a cultural centre which symbolised tolerance among cultures and religions. We want to help to preserve Syria’s cultural heritage. Just a few weeks ago, we and UNESCO co-hosted a conference of experts on this very issue here in Berlin. And let me tell you that the huge political and social tensions in Syria were palpable among the Syrian representatives.     Nevertheless, they talked to one another. And finally, it was the Syrian participants from all groups who presented the results of the workshops together.

To my mind, that shows that the protection and preservation of cultural heritage can help foster peace.

A world heritage title such as the one Hamburg is receiving today is therefore not just an award. I believe it also serves as a reminder of our obligation to protect cultural heritage around the world.

***

Ladies and gentlemen,

This world heritage title is cause for much celebration today.

I’d be delighted if we at the Federal Foreign Office – as host of the key UNESCO World Heritage Conference last year – were able to contribute towards this success.

However, I would also like to expressly thank all those who have worked for many years with dedication, strong nerves and great perseverance towards this recognition.

I’ve heard that there’s an old Viking proverb which says that we cannot change the wind, but we can adjust our sails.

You, ladies and gentlemen, have proven excellent at adjusting your sails. You have all done an outstanding job and achieved your goal! The whole of Germany – but in particular the people of Hamburg – can be proud today. Thank you very much.



from
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Monday, June 27, 2016

Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier on the death of Götz George

Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier on the death of Götz George

Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier issued the following statement today (27 June) on the death of Götz George:

Zusatzinformationen

In Götz George we have lost one of Germany’s great actors and a committed Social Democrat. Götz George was an outstanding artist whose profound and intense performances in a wide variety of roles over several decades revealed to millions of people both at home and abroad the backdrops to and blackest depths of our society. He truly absorbed the characters he played, his virtuosity writing acting history, whether as serial killer Fritz Haarmann or scandal reporter Hermann Willié in Helmut Dietl’s “Schtonk!”. Götz George once said that Horst Schimanski, the character for which he was best known, would leave the scene as quietly as he had burst loudly onto it. Götz George, that elemental force of the acting profession, has quietly left us. We shall miss him.


from
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A strong Europe in a world of uncertainties

A strong Europe in a world of uncertainties

Joint contribution by the French Foreign Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault and Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier

***

The decision of the British people marks a watershed moment in the history of Eu-rope. The European Union is losing not only a member state, but a host of history, tradition and experience, with which we shared our journey throughout the past decades. France and Germany therefore take note of this decision with regret. This creates a new situation and will entail consequences both for the United Kingdom and for the EU. The Treaty of Lisbon sets out the procedures for the orderly departure of a Member State (article 50). Once the British Government has activated these procedures, we will stand ready to assist the institutions in the negotiations clarifying the future relationship between the EU and the UK.

The British case is unique. But we must also acknowledge that support and passion for our common project has faded over the last decade in parts of our societies. Neither a simple call for more Europe nor a phase of mere reflection can be an adequate answer. To prevent the silent creeping erosion of our European project we have to be more focused on essentials and on meeting the concrete expectations of our citizens. We are convinced that it is not the existence of the Union that they object to but the way it functions. Our task is twofold: we have to strictly focus our joints efforts on those challenges that can only be addressed by common European answers, while leaving others to national or regional decision making and variation. And we must deliver better on those issues we have chosen to focus on.

France and Germany remain most firmly of the belief that the European Union provides a unique and indispensable framework for the pursuit of freedom, prosperity and security in Europe, for shaping peaceful and mutually beneficial relationships amongst its people and for contributing to peace and stability in the world. Our two countries share a common destiny and a common set of values that provide the foundation for an ever closer union between our peoples. We will therefore move further towards political union in Europe and invite the other Europeans to join us in this endeavour.

France and Germany recognise their responsibility to reinforce solidarity and cohesion within the European Union. To that end, we need to recognise that member states differ in their levels of ambition member state when it comes to the project of European integration. While not stepping back from what we have achieved, we have to find better ways of dealing with different levels of ambition so as to ensure that Europe delivers better on the expectations of all European citizens.

We believe the EU can and needs to develop common answers to today’s challenges abroad and at home. In a context of rising global challenges and opportunities, we see the European Union as more necessary than ever and as the only framework capable of providing appropriate collective answers to the changing international environment. France and Germany will therefore promote a more coherent and a more assertive Europe on the world stage. To deliver better, Europe must focus on today’s main challenges – ensure the security of our citizens confronted with growing external and internal threats; establish a stable cooperative framework for dealing with migration and refugee flows; boost the European economy by promoting convergence and sustainable and job-creating growth and advancing towards the completion of the Economic and Monetary Union.

We are seeing the European Union being severely put to the test. It is challenged by a series of crises in its southern and eastern environment. It is recovering slowly on the path of economic growth. Looking back at the history of the European edifice, we strongly believe in the strength of the EU and its ability to overcome these situations. But something is new in these critical times, namely the perception that these crises jeopardise the very fabric of our societies, our values, our way of life. We see terrorists attempting to spread fear and division in our societies. We have to face increasingly interwoven internal and external challenges. We see the need to preserve the combination of growth, competitiveness and social cohesion which lies at the heart of our European model, while preserving our common values both internally and vis-à-vis the outside world.

We know there are no quick solutions to these very demanding problems. But we are determined to address them, working to deal with current challenges while remaining focused on important long-term issues. In this spirit, we have agreed on the following proposals.

A European Security Compact

The EU has to face a deteriorating security environment and an unprecedented level of threat. External crises have become more numerous, closer to Europe – both east and south of its borders – and more likely to have immediate consequences for European territory and the security of EU citizens. Power politics are back on the world stage and conflict is being imported into our continent. The terrorist threat is growing, feeding on complex networks in and outside Europe and stemming from crisis zones and unstable, war-torn regions all over the world. Europe’s role as a credible force for peace is more important than ever.

The security of EU member states is deeply interconnected, as these threats now affect the continent as a whole: any threat to one member state is also a threat to others. We therefore regard our security as one and indivisible. We consider the European Union and the European security order to be part of our core interests and will safeguard them in any circumstances.

In this context, France and Germany recommit to a shared vision of Europe as a security union, based on solidarity and mutual assistance between member states in support of common security and defence policy. Providing security for Europe as well as contributing to peace and stability globally is at the heart of the European project.

We see the EU as a key power in its neighbourhood but also as an actor for peace and stability with global reach. An actor able to make a decisive contribution to tackling global challenges and to support a rules-based international order underpinned by strategic stability, based on a peaceful balance of interests. We have considerable achievements that deserve recognition and can provide inspiration. The historic agreement on Iran’s nuclear programme was only possible because of the EU’s determined and persistent commitment. European engagement in the Minsk process has helped to contain a military confrontation in eastern Ukraine that could have easily spiralled out of control. Our diplomatic efforts have paved the way for a political settlement to the conflict which we will continue to pursue. In Libya, we support the emerging government of national accord endeavouring to address the risks posed by state fragility and instability in the Southern Mediterranean. Beyond the crises, we are convinced that Africa needs also a continuous commitment, being a continent of great challenges and opportunities.

One of the main features of today’s security environment is the interdependence between internal and external security, since the most dangerous and destabilising risks emanate from the interaction between external threats and internal weaknesses. To respond to this challenge, Germany and France propose a European Security Compact which encompasses all aspects of security and defence dealt with at the European level and thus delivers on the EU’s promise to strengthen security for its citizens.

A first step is to share a common analysis of our strategic environment and common understanding of our interests. France and Germany propose that the EU conduct regular reviews of its strategic environment, to be submitted and discussed at the Foreign Affairs Council and at the European Council. These reviews will be supported by an independent situation assessment capability, based on the EU intelligence and situation centre and expertise from outside European institutions, with production of strategic and intelligence analysis approved at European level.

- On the basis of this common understanding, the European Union should establish agreed strategic priorities for its foreign and security policy, in accordance with European interests.

- The European Union Global Strategy is a first step in that direction. But we need to push further: on a more contested and competitive international scene, France and Germany will promote the EU as an independent and global actor able to leverage its unique array of expertise and tools, civilian and military, in order to defend and promote the interests of its citizens. France and Germany will promote integrated EU foreign and security policy bringing together all EU policy instruments.

- The EU will need to take action more often in order to manage crises that directly affect its own security. We therefore need stronger and more flexible crisis prevention and crisis management capabilities. The EU should be able to plan and conduct civil and military operations more effectively, with the support of a permanent civil-military chain of command. The EU should be able to rely on employable high-readiness forces and provide common financing for its operations. Within the framework of the EU, member states willing to establish permanent structured cooperation in the field of defence or to push ahead to launch operations should be able to do so in a flexible manner. If needed, EU member states should consider establishing standing maritime forces or acquiring EU-owned capabilities in other key areas.

- In order to live up to the growing security challenges, Europeans need to step up their defence efforts. European member states should reaffirm and abide by the commitments made collectively on defence budgets and the portion of spending dedicated to the procurement of equipment and to research and technology (R&T). Within the EU, France and Germany propose the establishment of a European semester on defence capabilities. Through this process, the EU will support efforts by member states by ensuring the coherence of defence and capability-building processes and encourage member states to discuss the priorities of their respective military spending plans. The establishment of a European defence research programme will support an innovative European industry.

- The European Union must invest more in preventing conflict, in promoting human security and in stabilising its neighbourhood and regions affected by crisis all over the world. The EU should help its partners and neighbours develop their capacity and governance structures, to strengthen their crisis resilience and their ability to prevent and control emerging crisis as well as terrorist threats. France and Germany will conduct joint initiatives in stabilisation, development and reconstruction in Syria and Iraq when the situation allows. Together, France and Germany will strengthen their civilian crisis management tools and reaffirm their commitment to support and sustain political processes of conflict resolution.

- In order to ensure our internal security, the immediate challenges are primarily operational. The objectives are to implement and monitor EU decisions and make the best use of existing frameworks: PNR; Europol and its counterterrorism centre; the fight against terrorist financing; and EU action plans against trafficking of weapons and explosives. A special emphasis should be put on strengthening transport safety. We want also to increase our dialogue and cooperation with third countries in North Africa, the Sahel strip, the Lake Chad Basin, West Africa, the horn of Africa and the Middle East, as well as regional and sub-regional organisations (African Union, G5).

- In order to address the root causes of terrorism, France and Germany will develop a European platform to share experience and best practice in preventing and counteracting radicalisation.

- In the medium term, we should work towards a more integrated approach for EU internal security, based on the following measures: creation of a European platform for intelligence cooperation, fully respecting national prerogatives and using the current frameworks (e.g. CTG); improvement of data exchange; European contingency planning for major crisis scenarios affecting several member states; creation of a European response capability; establishment of a European civil protection corps.

- In the longer term, it would make sense to enlarge the scope of the European public prosecutor’s office in future (currently limited to prosecuting offenses concerning the EU’s financial interests) to include fighting terrorism and organised crime. This would require harmonisation of criminal law among the member states.

In order to drive this effort, France and Germany propose that the European Council should meet once a year as a European Security Council, in order to address internal and external security and defence issues facing the EU. This European Security Council should be prepared by a meeting of Foreign Affairs, Defence and Interior Ministers.

Common European asylum and migration policy

Large-scale migration towards Europe will be the key challenge for Europe’s future.

There shall be no unilateral national answers to the migration challenge, which is a truly European challenge of the 21th century. Our citizens expect that we firmly regain control on our external borders while preserving our European values. We have to act jointly to live up to this expectation. Germany and France are convinced that it is high time to work towards establishing truly integrated European asylum, refugee and migration policy. Given the urgency of the matter, we should not rule out the possibility of a group of member states that share a sense of  common responsibility making progress on common policies.

- Securing our external border is no longer exclusively a national task but also a common responsibility. We are determined that the EU should establish the world’s first multinational border and coast guard. In the short term, FRONTEX will be manned by mean of secondments from member states. France and Germany should propose a joint contribution to that end. Over the medium term FRONTEX should be scaled up not only in terms of having its own permanent staff but also with adequate technical equipment to fulfil this task.

- We also propose the creation of a European ESTA for visa-exempt third country nationals as a useful instrument to reinforce our borders and security.

- It is our common duty to protect those fleeing from war or political persecution. In our efforts we strive to allow refugees to find shelter as close to their homeland as possible.

- Asylum seekers reaching Europe have a right to be treated according to the Geneva Convention no matter where they reach our shores. To this end we must further harmonise and simplify our standards and procedures in specific areas. We shall stand ready to grant EU support for the establishment of efficient asylum systems where needed. Over the medium term the European Asylum Office should be transformed into a European Asylum Agency to support this process of standardisation and host joint databases to prevent the misuse of differences in  standards as well as multiple registrations and discourage secondary movements. This European Asylum Agency would help reinforce convergence in the way applications for international protection are assessed, with due regard to the Dublin basic principles such as the responsibility of the member state of first entry to deal with an asylum application.

- Solidarity remains a cornerstone of our European project. Citizens expect that the benefits and burdens of EU membership be evenly shared among member states. A situation in which the burden of migration is unevenly carried by a limited number of member states is unsustainable. As a first step, the Dublin system has to be improved to deal with exceptional circumstances by means of a permanent and binding mechanism which foresees burden sharing among all member states. If necessary, Germany and France stand ready to proceed on this matter with a group of like-minded partners.

- The EU must find a common answer to the rising number of migrants seeking to enter the EU for economic reasons. The asylum system is a misleading entry point for them to use. Europe should stay open to what migration and mobility can contribute to our societies in the fields of the economy, culture and diversity. We need to work towards a European Immigration Act that clearly states what the legal options are when it comes to working in Europe, taking into account the different states of national labour markets in the EU. At the same time, we have to improve EU tools and support in the field of return policy, underpinned by EU funds to finance the deportation of those who entered the EU illegally.

- In our relations with key countries of origin and transit, we will work to reduce push factors for irregular migration, for example by generating economic and social opportunities, particularly for young people. We expect constructive cooperation in crucial fields such as return and readmission, border management and control and the fight against migrant smuggling. Germany and France have already held high-level migration dialogues with a number of African states on behalf of the EU and will extend this dialogue to other countries. Root causes of migration, such as poverty, lack of security and political instability should also be addressed by the EU.

Finally, hosting and, in some cases, integrating refugees and migrants poses a challenge to all European societies that must be dealt with in a spirit of responsibility and solidarity. Germany and France do not share the same historical experience of immigration and integration but are committed to learning from each other. Through dialogue, exchange and cooperation, we intend to foster a more objective debate about the challenges and opportunities of immigration and integration for our societies. We hope thus to use the lessons we have learned to benefit other European states that are confronted with similar challenges.

Fostering growth and completing the Economic and Monetary Union

To this day, our common currency constitutes the most visible and ambitious undertaking of European unification. The euro has helped protect its member states from international speculation and contributed to building a common economic area. The euro reflects our commitment to the irreversibility of European integration.

However, we must admit that the crisis and its aftermath have shown up deficiencies that make citizens question whether the common currency delivers on its promises and even casts doubt on the sustainability of the project itself. We therefore intend to proceed on three fronts simultaneously: strengthening economic convergence, enhancing social justice and democratic accountability and improving shock resistance to safeguard the irreversibility of the euro. France and Germany have always seen it as their major responsibility to build a robust Eurozone able to assert its model in a more and more competitive world.

We believe we urgently need to revive this spirit to carry the debate forward. And it is the responsibility of our two countries to bilaterally proceed beyond that. We have to acknowledge that the requirements of membership and the fiscal implications stemming from the common currency have been higher than one could have expected when the euro was founded. We must therefore respect the wish of others to decide on their own when to join the euro.

- To overcome the crisis, the euro area has to enter into a renewed phase of economic convergence. To this end, France and Germany will shoulder the main responsibility of organising a process of economic convergence and political governance which balances obligations and solidarity to accompany the process. Surplus and deficit countries will have to move, as a one-sided alignment is politically unfeasible.

- Growth potential has been severely hampered by the crisis. Europe urgently needs to unlock the untapped potential inherent in the completion of the single market in specific sectors of strategic interest. France and Germany remain committed to bilateral initiatives to rapidly harmonise regulation and oversight as well as corporate tax schemes. To unlock growth and to increase the productivity of the European economy, a renewed effort for more investment, both private and public, is necessary. France and Germany reiterate their commitment to structural reforms to attract international investment and to further enhance the competiveness of their economies.

- In that respect, specific initiatives should be taken in order to foster growth and convergence between member states in strategic sectors such as energy, the digital sector, research and innovation or professional training. In the short term, common targets could be set, linked to regulatory objectives and investment means based on the amplification of the European Fund for Strategic Investment. Over the medium term, those strategic sectors should evolve towards a common regulatory framework and even a shared supervisory authority, and benefit from a structured European investment capability to foster convergence through cross-border investment. Bilateral initiatives by Germany and France should be undertaken within that framework.

- The current architecture of the euro is not sufficiently resilient to external shocks or internal imbalances. Leaving the EMU incomplete jeopardises the survival of our common currency in the long term. Completing the EMU will involve the continuous intensification of political governance as well as fiscal burden sharing. In light of existing imbalances a deepening of the EMU will not come as a big bang but as the result of a pragmatic and gradual evolution taking into account the necessary results in terms of growth and employment. These results are indispensable to reinforce confidence in the European Union among member states and citizens and create the appropriate political conditions for new steps of integration towards completing the EMU.

- We should acknowledge that EMU member states share different traditions of economic policy making, which have to be balanced out for the euro to function properly. A future architecture of the euro will neither be solely rules based nor prone to mere political decision making nor will it be steered exclusively by market forces. Every step in deepening the EMU will encompass all of these aspects.

- Since economic policy-making in the EMU is increasingly a domain of shared decisions, citizens rightly expect to regain control via supranational institutions accountable to them. In the short term a full time president of the Eurogroup should be accountable to a Eurozone subcommittee in the European Parliament. In the longer term, the Eurogroup and its president should be accountable to a parliamentary body comprising members of the European Parliament with the participation of members of national parliaments. This chamber should have full authority on any matters regarding fiscal and macroeconomic oversight.

- In this context we should develop the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) into a fully-fledged European Monetary Fund subject to parliamentary control.

- A fiscal capacity – a common feature of any successful monetary union around the globe – remains a missing keystone in the EMU architecture. In the long run it should provide macroeconomic stabilisation at the eurozone level while avoiding permanent unidirectional transfers. Whereas these capabilities should be built up over time and in line with progress on common decision making regarding fiscal and economic policy, it should start by 2018 at the latest to support investment in the member states most severely hit by the crisis. Germany and France should form a group prepared to lead on this matter.

- Public support for the euro is undermined by a lack of progress on its social dimension and fair taxation among its member states. Hence, as a general principle, any step to further deepen the EMU should be accompanied by progress in the field of common taxation, in particular with regard to transnational corporations, as well as the development of a social union underpinned by common social minimum standards.

Click here to download the contribution (PDF, 306 KB)



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Foreign Minister Steinmeier congratulates Carolin Emcke on receiving the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade

Foreign Minister Steinmeier congratulates Carolin Emcke on receiving the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade

Today (24 June), the German Publishers and Booksellers Association announced that the 2016 Peace Prize of the German Book Trade is being awarded to the journalist and publicist Carolin Emcke. In this connection, Foreign Minister Steinmeier issued the following statement in Berlin: 

Zusatzinformationen

The German Publishers and Booksellers Association is honouring a sensitive observer, intelligent author and outstanding personality. During her many trips to trouble spots around the world, Carolin Emcke has always focused on people and contributed passionately time and again to the debate in Germany by conveying her own experiences. With her weekly columns, she puts issues under the spotlight and even in difficult times champions a modern and enlightened society in which tolerance and diversity are more than just words. I sincerely congratulate Carolin Emcke on this award.


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How dogs can sniff out diabetes



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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=02M4tj70Ju0

Friday, June 24, 2016

Dubai, United Arab Emirates Travel Guide - Must-See Attractions



from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N7TUIYZMjQs

Brexit: Legally and constitutionally, what now?



from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KkwQFg3bIpE

Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the result of the referendum in the UK

Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the result of the referendum in the UK

Foreign Minister Steinmeier issued the following statement today ahead of the meeting of EU Foreign Ministers in Luxembourg:

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There are no two ways about it. This is a bitter day for Europe. We never stopped hoping that the British people would reach a different decision and vote in favour of the European Union. They did not do so. They have chosen to leave the European Union. The decision was close, but it was clear, and we first and foremost have to respect that. Speaking for myself, however, I will say that this represents the departure not only of a member state but also of a wealth of national history, tradition and experience that has helped shape the European Union throughout the past decades.

Today is therefore a significant juncture. Our priority now must be to hold Europe together. We must not allow ourselves to become hysterical or paralysed by shock. And we have to say that we do not yet have answers to all the questions that are going to arise from this decision. But I do have a sense of what people want from us. They want to see that the European Union is capable of solving the problems its people are experiencing. We therefore need to concentrate now on reaching common European solutions in those areas where they are lacking. That will mean finding joint European answers to the refugee crisis, doing more for employment and growth and simultaneously making sure that the European Union also finds joint answers to the questions raised by the changed security situation.

This is not an easy day for Europe. The main thing now is to stand together and show that we have the strength to come through this crisis, and I therefore hope that today’s General Affairs Council can send a clear message for the future that, while we are losing one member state, we are working to make Europe strong.


from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160624_BM_doorstep.html?nn=479796

Speech by State Secretary of the Foreign Offiec Markus Ederer at the event of the German Marshall Fund: Germany, Japan and the U.S.: Regional Perspectives on the Liberal International Order

Speech by State Secretary of the Foreign Offiec Markus Ederer at the event of the German Marshall Fund: Germany, Japan and the U.S.: Regional Perspectives on the Liberal International Order

Dear Daniel [Twining],
dear Ambassador Shinyo,
dear Volker [Stanzel],
dear David [Gordon],
Ladies and Gentlemen,

When talking about the liberal world order, especially today, we also have to talk about the state the European Union is in, and we have to talk about the need to listen to our constituencies at home more closely.

This is also what Ambassador Samantha Power referred to when she was awarded the Henry Kissinger Prize here in Berlin just two weeks ago. In her speech, she warned of the “rise of extremist and isolationist voices in the US”.

She stressed the need for those of us who hold dear the fundamental internationalist assumptions that sustain the liberal world order to unite in their defence.

Ladies and gentlemen, some might quip that with Samantha Power receiving the Henry Kissinger prize, the need for unity in defence of the liberal world order must be urgent indeed.

But - on a more serious note – Ambassador Power’s remarks point to a notion that many of us would share: That the liberal international order, which has been developed after WW II under US leadership is under serious challenge today.

When examining this challenge a bit further, we find four levels on which this is taking place:

First, it seems challenged by a multitude of crises within states: By the fragility – and some say failure – of states themselves. This is happening not only in faraway places, but right at Europe’s doorstep: In the Ukraine, in the Middle East and in the Maghreb. And some would argue in the EU as well.

Second, transnational challenges such as climate change, terrorism or cyber threats make us realize that even well-functioning states can no longer address such issues by themselves. As a result, we see “global governance gaps” as well as gaps between growing expectations and limited state capabilities.

Third, the liberal international order seems to be challenged by the rise of new powers such as China, which increasingly put into question regional orders, seek to extend their spheres of influence, and demand more of a say on issues of global order and governance.

Fourth – and coming back to Samantha Power’s speech – the liberal international world order seems today also challenged from within, which I personally feel is perhaps the most critical of all:

Whether it is in the US, in France, in Poland, in Germany or in the UK, where the British people cast a crucial vote at this very moment about the future of their country and of Europe: everywhere within our liberal societies, extremist, isolationist, anti-globalist and even tribalist voices and forces are on the rise, questioning the very assumptions of internationalism and integration that have hitherto sustained the liberal world order.

Ladies and Gentlemen, what does this fourfold challenge of the liberal world order mean for us, for Germany, for Japan, for the US?

Let me talk a bit about the German perspective which is obviously the one I know best.

Germany’s successful development is based on the stability provided by this very liberal world order: Rule of law, democracy, European integration, market economy and free-trade have made us what we are today, one of the most-integrated, connected and prosperous countries in the world.

Yet we must also acknowledge that in order to sustain our success and stability, adaptation to a new form of globalization and governance, with new players and stakeholders, is paramount. A modern liberal international order needs to recognize that global challenges need global solutions.

So what follows for us from this perspective?

For one, we indeed must “unite in defense” of the liberal order. Together with our partners such as the US and Japan, with whom we share the same values and principles, we need to preserve the existing foundations of the liberal world order. Convincing others of its usefulness will also be important.

It also follows, however, that it is not enough to just unite, but also to be open-minded. After all, could it be that our feeling of a fraying order might primarily be rooted in our disappointment over what I would call the “illusion of convergence” in the early 1990s? And that we therefore should conceptualize that we are no longer exclusively in the driver’s seat?

Eventually, we are in a contest of ideas, in which we have to deal with other conceptions of order and convince others of the attractiveness of our conceptions. Here, we need to continue to be guided by our principles and the need for legitimacy and effectiveness as the main pillars of stability.

Our ability to understand and integrate new challenges and new challengers, our ability to engage constructively with new ideas to upgrade the existing rules will be crucial.

For us in Germany - and this has been a discussion since the speech delivered by our Federal President at the Munich Security Conference in 2014 - it is also clear that Germany needs to assume greater responsibility for stability and order in the world. This is not always easy for a country with our history. But, while taking this legacy into account, we can – and must - build more actively and strategically on our strengths:

our vast network in the worlds of diplomacy and business and especially on our proven capacity as a “bridge-builder”.

But there is more we can do to strengthen the liberal order on the global level:

By invigorating multilateralism in existing fora, such as through our candidacy for the UN Security Council 2019/20, our support for UN-reform, our current OSCE-chairmanship and our imminent G20 presidency in 2017.

But also by actively contributing new elements of order in areas like cyber security, climate change or global migration policy. We would be well advised to actively engage with new ideas and initiatives on connectivity, global finance, development cooperation and global justice questions - as long as these complement and support rather than erode global order. An example of the former is our approach vis-à-vis the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, whose first annual meeting will be held in two days in Beijing.

There is also more we can do to strengthen rules-based orders on the regional level. And this is one of the key issues for German foreign policy. And to that aim we must not shy away from strongly opposing regional hegemonic claims that endanger stability. We are therefore working towards further supporting multilateral organizations such as the African Union or ASEAN, but also play our own part in Europe, whether it is in Ukraine, the Balkans, through NATO or the OSCE.

Finally, there is more we can do to strengthen the liberal international order at its most basic level – and that is often overlooked – namely within states. Stabilizing legitimate statehood through crisis prevention, mediation, humanitarian assistance and post-conflict reconstruction has become a focus of our efforts. We have therefore established a new department in this parliamentary term dedicated to these issues under the leadership of Foreign Minister Steinmeier.

Ladies and Gentlemen, with all these measures we strive to guarantee the effectiveness and legitimacy of the liberal international order; not only for us – that is “the West” – but also more inclusively, for the global south, for emerging countries and even for those who currently seem to challenge the liberal international order.

I am confident that jointly, together with countries like Japan and the US, we are able to do so. I even think that such need for more burden-sharing can be an amazing opportunity: If the liberal world order is more explicitly lived and perceived as a common good maintained by a variety of actors, rather than decried as “pax Americana”, an American “burden” or “presumption” it might just become more legitimate and effective in the future.

And one of the lessons that I have learned from my time in China is that our ability to lecture others or convince them to adopt the principles we stand for is becoming increasingly limited. And this is even more the case when we do not live up to those standards ourselves. How credible are we and how susceptible are we to accusations of “double standards”? This is also something we have to consider when thinking about the future of the liberal world order.  The liberal order begins at home.

Thank you very much.



from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160623-StS_E_GMF.html?nn=479796

UK population tops 65 million for first time

The population of the United Kingdom has passed 65 million for the first time after rising by more than half a million in a year. ...

from
http://www.west-info.eu/uk-population-tops-65-million-for-first-time/

Thursday, June 23, 2016

Italian business receives boost from foreign women

In Italy, businesses owned by women tend to be more multicultural than those owned by men. Because 9.3 per cent of foreign companies are owned ...

from
http://www.west-info.eu/italian-business-receives-boost-from-foreign-women/

Nine distinguished figures receive honorary doctorates from Oxford

In Italy, businesses owned by women tend to be more multicultural than those owned by men. Because 9.3 per cent of foreign companies are owned by a woman (equal to 121,000 businesses), compared to 8.5 per cent owned by men.aaa

from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R0IsoTMel6Q

Foreign Minister Steinmeier welcomes ceasefire agreement for Colombia

Foreign Minister Steinmeier welcomes ceasefire agreement for Colombia

Reacting to the agreement announced today (22 June) between the Colombian Government and the FARC guerillas on a ceasefire, Foreign Minister Steinmeier made the following comments in Berlin:

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With their agreement on a bilateral ceasefire and the disarmament of rebels, the Colombian Government and the FARC guerillas have achieved a decisive breakthrough on the road to peace, a breakthrough for which the people in Colombia are yearning after decades of bloodshed. A successful conclusion of the peace talks is thus almost within grasp.

It is now time for the ELN to join in this encouraging example and also make its contribution to ending violence in Colombia.

Also with my Special Envoy to the Colombian Peace Process Tom Koenigs, we are continuing to actively support Colombia on its road to peace and reconciliation, for example by assisting the judiciary as it deals with the conflict, by providing assistance for victims and helping integrate the internally displaced.


from
http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/EN/Infoservice/Presse/Meldungen/2016/160622_Kolumbien.html?nn=479796